Showing posts with label feminism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label feminism. Show all posts

Monday, February 19, 2024

“That’s a good girl”: how women are infantilised during obstetric care and labour


GOLFX/Shutterstock
Nadia von Benzon, Lancaster University

As Kate, a participant in our research on birth experiences, struggled with the pain she was experiencing during labour, the midwife was stern. She referred to Kate as a “silly girl” and told her she needed to calm down. Finally, the anaesthetist arrived to give Kate an epidural. He asked if this was “the silly girl” he’d heard about, and then told her to control herself.

The UK’s National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) updated their guidance on intrapartum care – care during labour and immediately afterwards – in 2023 to direct UK National Health Service (NHS) staff to treat all women in labour with kindness, dignity and respect. Respectful communication that recognises women as capable decision makers during pregnancy and childbirth improves physical and mental health outcomes for patients during and after the birth.

Nevertheless, everyday sexism, particularly in the form of paternalistic and patronising language, remains common throughout UK obstetric care, according to our research. While the language used towards Kate was clearly intended to be derogatory, sexist language is often more subtle and even intended to be positive, such as calling an adult woman patient “a good girl”.

It is likely that the widespread use of patronising language, contributes to an environment in which women patients are objectified and their perspective dismissed or undermined. That means that patients lose opportunities to contribute to decision making, or even to give consent for interventions, during labour and birth.

No respect

In our study exploring birth experiences, many participants told stories of interventions during childbirth, including surgery, that were performed without consent, or adequate pain relief. This included a patient being forced to walk naked from her ward to a shower, and another being given an episiotomy – a cut made by a healthcare professional into the perineum and vaginal wall to make more space for the baby to be born – without consent and without being provided with pain relief.

Participants also discussed experiences of their own views or knowledge about what was happening to their bodies, being ignored.

Hanifa gave birth in a hospital car park. This was not because she’d waited too long to come to hospital. Rather, she’d arrived at hospital and been turned away, told that she shouldn’t call again until her waters had broken and her contractions were three minutes apart. Although Hanifa knew she was in established labour, the midwife dismissed her judgement.

Language matters

The language used about and to pregnant women matters because it sets the context for the way in which they are treated and the extent to which they are valued as experts in what is happening to their own bodies. Terms such as “silly girl” or even “good girl” infantilises and disempowers the patient, positioning them as helpless and entirely reliant on expert intervention from medical professionals.

Nevertheless, this language seems to prevail. This may be because paternalistic language can be difficult to call out. A thread on the popular discussion forum Mumsnet, demonstrated that many members thought being called a “good girl” was nice and friendly, and showed that a doctor was compassionate. One person commented that it would make her feel cared for to be spoken to in this way.

Others thought that, while it wasn’t pleasant, being referred to by the term “good girl” wasn’t particularly problematic. For these contributors to the discussion, the language used by health care professionals wasn’t as important as the quality of the healthcare they were providing. Contributors to the thread encouraged the complainant – a person who had been called a “good girl” by a doctor providing fertility care – to ignore the comment if the overall care they received was high quality.

They argued that a formal complaint could be detrimental to her chances of receiving expert healthcare – and would be to put her ego ahead of the opportunity for useful medical intervention. Moreover, they suggested that in a socialised health care system, it was selfish to complain, as scant resources would be used up with finding her alternative care, and with investigating the complaint.

“Good girls” don’t complain

Many of the participants in our study explained they were worried about being a bother if they called out patronising or outright sexist language or interventions. This concern prevented many of them from putting in a complaint. They were worried that, in the grand scheme of things, their negative experience wasn’t worth raising, and to do so would be to place too much emphasis on their own experience. This was particularly the case where the outcomes for mum and baby had ultimately been positive, and they were able to focus on this rather than the birth experience itself.

These experiences are unlikely to be well reflected within hospital complaints. Of the many participants in our study who had experienced sexism during their obstetric care, whether through words or physical violence, only one described raising a formal complaint. Our findings suggest that the extent of experiences of sexist language, and more overt discriminatory or poor practice, may be significantly under reported.The Conversation

Nadia von Benzon, Lecturer in Human Geography, Lancaster University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Friday, March 5, 2021

Happy Birthday Rosa Luxemburg 1871-1919

Reprinted from the UK Socialist Website Left Horizons

Editors’ Blog: Rosa Luxemburg 1871-1919

We cannot let March 5 go by without paying tribute to one of the greatest socialists produced by the German labour movement, Rosa Luxemburg, who was born on this day 150 years ago.

She was born in Russian-controlled Poland, literally days before workers in Paris declared the Paris Commune, into a relatively well-to-do family. From a relatively early age, as a school student, she became involved in the workers’ movement in the Proletarian Party. When the party leaders were executed for the part they played in a general strike, Rosa Luxemburg was obliged to flee to Switzerland, where she eventually attended the University of Zurich.

Rich medium of exiled socialists

In Switzerland she was immersed in the rich medium of socialist exiles from other parts of Europe, including the Russians. Although Polish born, Rosa was fluent in German and Russian and she developed her own ideas on Polish socialism, its links with Germany and the programme for Polish national independence. She saw the Polish National Question through the eyes of a committed internationalist and she believed, therefore, that the road to Polish national freedom ran through the German revolution.

There were sharp disagreements at this time between Luxemburg and Lenin, who argued that the fundamental slogan on the National Question ought to be the right of nations to self-determination. This controversy and debate is still worth examination today. But for all their political differences, both Luxemburg and Lenin approached the National Question as resolute and unwavering internationalists, a fact that they both acknowledged.

Luxemburg moved to Berlin in 1898, having been given the right to settle there through a marriage of convenience to an old long-standing friend. It was while she was in the women’s section of the SDP that she met and began her collaboration with Clara Zetkin, who was to become a lifelong friend.

Outbreak of First World War

Luxemburg’s internationalism was put to the test, along with the internationalism of the whole of the SPD and the Socialist International with the outbreak of the First World War in August 1914. As Mary-Alice Waters writes in Rosa Luxemburg Speaks, the SPD “was a powerful and impressive organisation; it was the great party of the Second International…in 1912 for example, the SPD won four and a quarter million votes, or 34.7 per cent of the total, making it the largest party in the Reichstag, with 110 deputies…the party published ninety daily papers which reached 1.4m subscribers. It also had a large women’s movement, a youth section, cooperatives, sports and cultural organisations and several million workers in social-democratic-led trade unions…”

Clara Zetkin and Rosa Luxemburg in 1910

Despite this enormous political influence, the leadership of the SPD was rotten; it had become infected, by the decades of relative economic upswing, with the ideas and philosophies of capitalism. Like the labour compromisers of today, they became imbued with the idea that the capitalist mode of production was the ‘natural’ order of things and that the socialist movement had to limit itself to gradual improvements and reforms. A necessary by-product of their outlook was the support for ‘their own’ capitalist class in the war against other states.

Marxism and workers’ internationalism

In the event, therefore, Rosa Luxemburg was among a small minority of international socialist leaders who refused to support the war. Along with her comrades Karl Liebknecht, Clara Zeitkin and Franz Mehring, she co-founded the International group (Die Internationale), which later became the Spartacist League, a movement based on revolutionary Marxism and workers’ internationalism and in the League she continued to struggle for socialist and internationalist ideas during the war years. As a result of their anti-war work, including penning several leaflets, Luxemburg and Liebknecht were imprisoned, in June 1916, for two and a half years, until the outbreak of the German Revolution in November 1918.

Germany in those following weeks following November was a maelstrom of revolution, strikes, demonstrations, occupations, meetings and yet more meetings. Strikes following strikes, each more intense and extensive than the last. In his marvelous book on the German Revolution 1917-23, Pierre Broué cites Luxemburg writing at the time:

‘socialism has to be fought out by the masses’

Now I regard it as the very essence of this revolution that strikes will become more and more extensive, until they constitute at last the focus of the revolution. Thus, we shall have an economic revolution, and therewith a socialist revolution. The struggle for socialism has to be fought out by the masses, by the masses alone, breast to breast against capitalism; it has to be fought out by those in every occupation, by every proletarian against his employer. Thus only can it be a socialist revolution.”

Rosa Luxemburg in 1915

By this time, the most radical elements of the Independent Social Democratic Party (USPD, itself a left split from the SPD) were moving closer to the revolutionary outlook of the Spartacists and plans were put in place for a founding conference to fuse as a mass revolutionary party, a German Communist Party.

Despite the enormous potential of the Communist Party, the fusion conference ended only on January 1, and it did not include all of the membership of the USPD, largely because of the timidity of some of its leaders. The new Communist Party, therefore, was not really consolidated and lacked sufficient and deep roots within the working class across the whole of Germany.

It was therefore unable to prevent a premature uprising by the working class in Berlin in January 1919, premature in the sense that it was a movement relatively isolated from an all-German perspective. This was to become known as the Spartacist Uprising because it was, in effect, the relatively small Spartacist League, which put itself at the head of the movement.

‘the masses were not ready to take power’

Broué describes the movement as it unfolded in Berlin. “The protest developed on a scale which surprised the organisers themselves. The heart of the capital was occupied by hundreds of thousands of demonstrators.” Despite the scale of the struggle, Broué writes, “the masses were not ready to take power…Despite hundreds of thousands of strikers, there were altogether less than 10,000 men determined to fight.” Nevertheless, it was the former leaders of the Spartacist League, the most resolute sections of the workers leaders, Luxemburg and Liebknecht, who felt they had no alternative but to offer a lead to this movement.

When the forces of reaction recovered from the initial shock of the Berlin strikes and demonstrations, they began to organise bloody reprisals against. On the night of January 10-11, many members of the former Spartacist League, including some of its leaders, were arrested and summarily murdered.

On January 11, almost frantically, Luxemburg wrote an appeal over the heads of the leaders of the USPD, who were vacillating when they ought to have been giving a clear revolutionary lead. “The absence of leadership,” she wrote in Dei Rote Fahne, “the non-existence of a centre to organise the Berlin working class, cannot continue…the revolutionary workers must set up leading organisations able to guide and to utilize the combative energy of the masses.”

Free Corps actively seeking to arrest leaders

Reaction, in the form of the ‘Free Corps’ were by now actively seeking to strike at the head of the Berlin workers’ movement, and Luxemburg and Liebknecht, already in hiding, were discovered and arrested on January 15. Both were interrogated and brutally murdered by their captors, Rosa’s body being flung unceremoniously into a canal. Her murder and that of Karl Liebknecht, undoubtedly played a key role in the derailing of the German revolution and the rise of Nazism in subsequent years.

Had Rosa Luxemburg lived beyond 1919, she would have been the giant of the German workers’ movement. She would have been one of only a handful of Western European socialist leaders who would have had a theoretical and personal stature comparable to the two leaders of the Russian Revolution, Lenin and Trotsky. Unfortunately, it was not to be.

German Student Demo 1968

Study the works of Rosa Luxemburg

We have to pay due tribute to the work, the struggles and the enormous contribution of Rosa Luxemburg to the socialist movement. In fact, this short tribute is nowhere near enough to pay homage to the career of one of Europe’s greatest socialist activists and thinkers.

Activists in the labour movement today could still learn much from her writings and from her example. They should study her works and her writing from themselves, here for example, in Selected writings of Rosa Luxemburg, or in Rosa Luxemburg, Socialism or Barbarism, here. We should make sure that in the struggles for socialism we never forget the pioneers on whose shoulders we all stand.

Sunday, December 27, 2020

Feminism and Zionism are Incompatible.

Facts For Working People shares this article from Tony Greenstein's UK Blog. Visit his site for further reading on this issue

How Identity Politics Turned the Victims of Sabra & Chatilla into the Antisemitic Oppressors of Zionist Feminists –

A Reply to Erica Burman

 Looking back – the Attack on Spare Rib which Prefigured Labour’s ‘Anti-Semitism’ Crisis by nearly 40 years

On June 6 1982 Israel invaded Lebanon. An estimated 20,000 civilians were killed and over 70,000 injured. The savagery of Israel’s attack gave birth to Hezbollah, the Party of God, which is the only Arab force to have defeated Israel militarily.

In 2000 the war of attrition waged by Hezbollah in southern Lebanon forced Israel to abandon its ‘Christian’ mini state in the south of Lebanon, under Major Saad Haddad and General Antoine Lahad and end its occupation of Lebanon. In 2006 Israel was forced to pull its troops out of Lebanon after another invasion.

The Lebanon war was a pivotal moment for the Palestine solidarity movement, in Britain and internationally. It convinced large sections of the left, especially in the Labour Party, that Israel was no socialist oasis in the Middle East and that its army was no citizen army but an army of genocide and occupation. An army whose major ‘victories’ had been against the indigenous population of the West Bank and Gaza.


Zionist women maintained they could be both Zionists and feminists – but only by excluding Palestinian women

Both Tony Benn and Eric Heffer resigned from Labour Friends of Israel. Tribune and even the New Statesman became hostile to Zionism and Israel. It was also when I got to know Jeremy Corbyn personally, who became an MP the following year. Corbyn spoke frequently at meetings of the Labour Committee on Palestine later Labour Movement Campaign for Palestine, which I chaired. 

A group of us met in the University of London Union in the spring of 1982, after an initial Israeli attack on Lebanon, to form Palestine Solidarity Campaign.


The Zioness group in the USA, which maintains that you can be a feminist and a Zionist, borrowed the image of a Black woman (left) and whitened her for their poster!  

Palestine and the Women’s Movement

Nothing angered the Zionist feminists of the time more than the statement by Aliza Khan, the Israeli woman in Women Speak Out Against Zionism in Spare Rib 121 of August 1982 that

 ‘if a woman calls herself feminist she should consciously call herself anti-Zionist.’

It was saying that feminism and Zionism were incompatible.

This was a red rag to Israeli and Zionist feminists (who masqueraded as representing all Jewish women). Zionist feminism was based on the idea that women should be equal participants in the oppression of the Palestinians. They had no quarrel with the racism of Zionism and its othering of Palestinians. Their only disagreements were on their subordinate role in the oppression of the Palestinians.

This racism reached absurd proportions in the United States with the Zioness Group. As Electronic Intifada revealed [Fake feminist group Zioness used rapper’s image without her approval] the Zionesses produced a fiery picture of 3 Zionist Amazons. The woman in the middle of their poster with her arms folded was Black South African hip hop artist, Dope Saint Jude. Or at least she was until the Zionesses whitened her face! Zionists simply can’t help their racism.


DOPESAINTJUDE  makes it clear she has no ties to the racist Zionesses

The issue of Palestine and Israel had a major impact on the British women’s movement which had largely ignored questions of racism and imperialism. Racism, like sexism, was seen primarily as a question of personal interaction as in the slogan ‘the ‘Personal is Political’. Institutional racism, western colonialism and imperialism was a ‘men’s’ issue.

As Jenny Bourne wrote in Jewish Feminism and Identity Politics:

feminism allowed us to: conflate the political and the personal, the objective and the subjective, the material and the metaphysical; and escape into Identity Politics. And the New Marxism gave’it refuge. (p.4)

The personal was held to be political rather than the political being personal. What this meant was that every woman’s personal experience was equally valid. They could be fascist women, Zionist women or just very rich, they were still women, despite the fact that they participated in the oppression of Black and third world women.

There was no understanding of how women’s oppression is magnified by class and race For example abortion is easily obtainable if you are well off but if you are Black or poor then it may be impossible to obtain legally in which case you may seek a back street abortion with all the possible risks.

The real enemy for middle class feminists was patriarchy, which men had created, an overarching ideological framework which subsumed race and class. The answer of western feminists was an all-encompassing sisterhood and consciousness raising. What this left out was the fact that women can also be the exploiters and oppressors of other women. Issues such as race and class were seen as divisive, a threat to women’s unity. 

As I showed in my recent post White Women as Slave Owners and the Myth of Sisterhood – Stephanie E. Jones women slave owners played their full share in slavery. Under Apartheid White women were equal participants in the oppression of Black people. So too in Israel where Jewish women identify with Jewish men not Palestinian women.

In all settler-colonial societies women are part of the settler colonial population. Of course within these societies White/Jewish women were oppressed by male settlers but their demands were not for the liberation of all women but for their right to equality with men in the oppression of the indigenous population. In Israel the demand that women have an equal role with men in the army and in combat duties is used to portray Israel as an equal society. Women too can kill Palestinians with impunity.

Thursday, July 2, 2020

You Can Survive Domestic Violence. It's never the Victim's Fault.

Some years ago I published  some notes I found after my mother had a stroke that led to her death. She described the stress she dealt with when my father drank. The aggressive posturing, fists raised, insults and never being sure whether she should speak or stay silent as either one could make him angry. Like my friend's comments below, she said she was always walking on eggshells.  The author is a friend I have known for some years and the comments speak for themselves. In my mother's time she said the shame and society meant these things stayed in the home. But it's always better to share your experiences so other victims of domestic violence get to see they are not alone and it's not their fault. RM

                                                *********************

I don’t talk about this much but I was in a very toxic relationship for 9 1/2 years with the father of my kids. I walked away torn and broken to pieces. I was 40 pounds overweight and having to seek therapy to save myself and my kids.

It was the hardest thing I’ve ever had to do but if I stayed I knew I’d never be happy and my kids would think that it is OK to grow up in a household where the parents are constantly at each other‘s throats. That is not normal!! Most people put up with it and go through the motions for the children but from my experience that’s not the best move. It can cause long-term trauma.

It didn’t help that their father was abusing alcohol and suffered from childhood trauma himself so I was always walking on egg shells. He was never physically abusive with me but he would get in my face and scream and me like he was a drill sergeant and him being six feet three inches tall against my five feet eleven and a half was very intimidating so the mental and emotional abuse that I went through for those 9 1/2 years took it’s toll on me.

Even given all of what he put me through I still love the man I spent nearly a decade with him and he is the father of my children. This is the first time I speak of this but I have never demeaned him on social media and will never. I am only speaking for the women out there that think that they should stay for the sake of the children but in reality they need to think long term affects.

Four years ago on Mothers Day I left having to start all over again with my two children one being six and one being 10 months old. It was definitely the hardest thing I’ve ever had to do but I have been blessed with a great partner who adores me, treats me like a queen and loves my children. I never thought I’d see the day. I’ll be 40 in November And I can finally say that I am the happiest I have ever been.

Thursday, August 16, 2018

Aretha Franklin: The Queen of Soul



I can't say much about this day as it comes to all of us. She meant so much to millions upon millions of people. To the black folks and black women, a historic figure and equally for all women. For me personally there's always that selfish aspect to it, another person whose art played such a prominent role in my life gone for good reminding me of my own mortality. But, as they always say, you can't destroy a legacy, she also sang opera as well.

Aretha Franklin also offered to pay Angela Davis' bail on charges related to the shootout at the Marin County Courthouse in 1970: “... not because I believe in Communism but because she is a black woman and she wants freedom for black people.” 

We all have our prejudices and I like to think that the era in which I grew up and the music that came out of it for me was the greatest period, I know that each era has it's great performers and Aretha Franklin is truly a giant of the 20th century, as much so as the classical composers and artists of an earlier period whose creations are still popular today.

Here she is in her beautiful performance in The Blues Brothers that surely must have captured the hearts of Black American women and women throughout the world. Humanity has just lost a great one.

Aretha Louise Franklin March 25, 1942 – August 16, 2018

Friday, May 4, 2018

To a Unique Woman of the Western World

A Poem by Salimah Valiani

Rarely home
Lights often dim
She’s now sold her car
(even harder to keep track of her)
The woman next door
What does she do?

Works long hours
Longer than most in the shop
Who knows what work she is
working-on?
When exactly she leaves
A hardy worker
Applies herself well
Does innovative things
Which take longer to do
(but then, she must have the time)

The woman next door
Wears a ring on her finger some days
Doesn’t on other days
Wears yet another ring on it
other days
Feeds herself
Keeps her own house
Pays the bills alone
While earning less than the male worker in her field

The woman next door
Is a single woman
Single women
Who knows what they do

from Letter Out : Letter In (Inanna Publications: 2009)

Salimah Valiani: https://salimahvaliani.wordpress.com/

Tuesday, July 4, 2017

Prostitution: Just a regular day job?

This is part two of a series on the subject of women, gender, and feminism titled Misogyny is Revisionism, by revolutionary socialist, Zachary George Najarian Najafi. We share this for the interest of our readers. Part one: On the Left's Woman Problem, can be read here 

Soviet anti-prostitution poster: “After the destruction of capitalism — the proletariat will abolish prostitution — the great scourge of humanity!”
 Misogyny is Revisionism Part 2: The Masque of the “Red” Pimp

by Zachary George Najarian-Najafi

In the first part of this series, we deconstructed the notion that “transwomen are women” from a Marxist perspective. In that piece I said that notion is perhaps the most destructive facing the left today, but I’m going to have to reconsider that assertion as we tackle the next anti-feminist/anti-Marxist “big lie” facing the left today, the notion that “sex work is work”. Marxism has always recognized prostitution as one of the vilest forms of exploitation; every major Marxist revolutionary has condemned it in unequivocal terms. The Communist Manifesto openly proclaims that the socialist revolution will do away with “prostitution both public and private.”[1] In her first major work, Nadezhda Krupskaya, described how revolutionary workers, during one night of major labor strikes, also directed their rage at the brothels, destroying eleven of them in a single night.[2] And, yet, despite this damning and overwhelming Marxist condemnation of prostitution, the left has started to drink the “sex-work” Kool-Aid.

This ranges from assertions that prostitution (and pornography, which is just filmed prostitution) is just a job like any other to outright proclaiming it liberating for women, a strike against bourgeois moralism! Pimps have become re-cast as “managers”, and johns as “clients”. Some so-called “Marxists” have even come out in support of collectivized brothels under socialism! Unsurprisingly, most of these declamations are being made by men who, distraught that the revolution wants to take away “their porn” and “their women”, are now trying to have their cake and eat it too by twisting the Marxist notion of free love and the Marxist attacks on bourgeois morality to suit their own exploitative ends. In this they are assisted by the “PhD Prostitutes”, well-off bourgeois women, often holding advanced degrees, who engage in prostitution as a lifestyle “choice”. Joseph Goebbels would be proud.

But for now, we will leave these reactionary elements to stew where they are. First, it is incumbent to debunk the central assertion behind all of this, that “sex work is work”. To tear this apart, we need to first answer the question, what is labor? In his first major published work, The German Ideology, Marx defines labor as such:
“The first premise of all human existence and, therefore, of all history, [is that humans] must be in a position to live in order to be able to ‘make history’. But life involves before everything else eating and drinking, a habitation, clothing and many other things. The first historical act is thus the production of the means to satisfy these needs, the production of material life itself. And indeed this is an historical act, a fundamental condition of all history, which today, as thousands of years ago, must daily and hourly be fulfilled merely in order to sustain human life.”[3]

To put it in more succinct terms, labor is the process by which human beings create, and facilitate the use, of products of social value. Does the act of sexual intercourse in of itself have social value? Does pornographic material have social value? The answer is no. Sexual intercourse is not a fundamental human need in the way food, water, clothing, and shelter are. Nor does intercourse in of itself help us interpret and understand the world in the way that science and art do. Intercourse does take on social value when its purpose is reproduction, in that case it becomes reproductive labor. It also holds social value when it becomes a means of interpersonal communication, such as intercourse between lovers, but that is not necessarily labor as it does not produce anything of wider use for a community.

In Prostitution and Ways of Fighting It, Alexandra Kollontai said, “prostitutes are all those who avoid the necessity of working by giving themselves to a man, either on a temporary basis or for life.”[4] She is clearly separating it from labor, rather defining it as the last act of the most desperate and rejected members of society. What does prostitution create, then? It creates, and increases, alienation and exploitation of the worst kind. Kollontai also railed against prostitution because it “threatens the feeling of solidarity and comradeship between working men and women, the members of the workers’ republic. And this feeling is the foundation and the basis of the communist society we are building and making a reality.”[5]

But if prostitution is not labor, what is it? The answer is simple. Sexual slavery; contractual rape. Continuing on her points already made, Kollontai reasoned that “Prostitution arose with the first states as the inevitable shadow of the official institution of marriage, which was designed to preserve the rights of private property and to guarantee property inheritance through a line of lawful heirs.”[6] This is a summation of what Engels described in The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State; that prostitution allowed for men to engage in carnal relations outside of their marriage. In the society that gave birth to prostitution, women were either the de facto property of men, or their de jure property, as in the case of wives. The prostitute was essentially a slave, with no rights or autonomy of her own; her entire existence was devoted to serving men.

This continued in the age of feudalism, where prostitution was highly organized and ubiquitous, in order to maintain the chastity and faithfulness of men’s daughters and wives, who remained their property. But it is capitalism that has brought forth the full horrific nature of prostitution, where now the whole lot of woman is threatened with prostitution if they cannot afford to feed themselves and their families, or pay their bills, afford an education, or any of the other necessities working people struggle to obtain and secure. Again we see the separation of prostitution from labor; the prostitute in capitalist society is the woman who cannot make an existence by labor alone. The prostitute is not even considered a human being, but rather a commodity. They are below even the lumpenproletariat, that great mass that contains both those almost totally squeezed dry by capitalism, as well as the criminal element of society, which are still recognized as human. This is the class to which the pimp belongs to.[7] The pimp is a parody of the parasitical capitalist who profits off the labor of the working class; in the case of the pimp, he profits off the dehumanized woman turned commodity.

The industrial and technological revolutions that have occurred under capitalism have only made the prostitute’s life worse. With the advent of mass pornography, especially in the modern age of mass and instant communication, the prostitute is no longer the commodity of just one john, but of millions of johns, who fuck her by proxy; in turn the pimp’s profits are doubled, tripled, quadrupled beyond anything they ever were. And not just women now, but also homosexual and gender non-conforming men, who as “exiles” from the community of men are increasingly finding themselves subjected to the lot previously reserved almost exclusively for women. Almost every pornography website has a section for “transsexual” porn. In prostitution we see the development of patriarchy and capitalism in microcosm; the mass dehumanization of human beings aimed at smashing our solidarity with one another, leaving us increasingly alienated and isolated, viewing one another not as comrades in a common struggle, but vessels to derive selfish pleasure.

The pro-“sex work” advocates would have one believe that entering prostitution is a “choice” freely made on the part of the prostitute, and to deny this is to deny the prostitute’s “agency”. To illustrate their point, they trot out the “PhD Prostitutes” mentioned above. But Marxists should know better than to take such evidence at face value. The Marxist method looks not at the conditions of individuals isolated from society as a whole, but at the individual within the larger social context they exist in. A study conducted by the Soroptimist International, “an international volunteer organization working to improve the lives of women and girls, in local communities and throughout the world” found that most prostitutes “were sexually and physically abused as children, deprived and pushed into selling sex at age 14, on average.” It also goes on to say:

“In one study of prostituted women, 90 percent of the women had been physically battered in childhood; 74 percent were sexually abused in their families, with 50 percent also having been sexually abused by someone outside the family. Of 123 survivors at the Council for Prostitution Alternatives in Portland, Oregon (an agency offering support, education, shelter and access to health services to clients of all sex industries), 85 percent reported a history of incest, 90 percent reported a history of physical abuse, and 98 percent cited a history of emotional abuse.”

The study also notes that women of color, women from the third world, and indigenous women are even more likely to be forced into prostitution.[8] Additionally “71 percent reported being physically abused and 63 percent reported being raped by a customer. In a rigorous study of pimps in seven cities in the United States, 58 percent of prostitutes reported violence, while 36 reported having abusive clients.” It also challenges the notion that “high-class” “call-girl” prostitution is safer than street prostitution, finding that escorts will be abused by johns at least twice a year. But perhaps the most damning evidence presented in the study to the “choice” argument, is the evidence that “more than 90 percent of prostituted women in various surveys want to leave prostitution, but lack viable options.”[9]

Despite this, the pro-“sex work” crowd insist that prostitution is not contractual rape, because prostitutes are giving their consent. But how can “consent” obtained under economic coercion truly be consent? This sounds like arguments put forward in defense of capitalism as a whole; for example, that workers who do not like the conditions of their work or their wages can always “choose” to get a different job. Marxists rightly recognize this argument as a diversion, because of the external circumstances that prevent individuals from just easily choosing the job they want to do. It is the same with the prostitute; her “consent” is only a passive consent, not the active consent that recognized as being necessary for a truly consensual sexual relationship. The “PhD Prostitutes” who are able to freely choose and screen their “clients” represent an incredibly small minority, and perhaps cannot even be considered prostitutes, but bourgeois dilettantes “playfully” aping the suffering of the classes beneath them.

Similarly, abolitionists have come under attack from the “sex work” crowd, being accused of moralism and puritanism. They argue that criminalization only worsens the plight of prostitutes, whereas bringing them into the recognized workforce through legalization and unionization will ease their suffering. In this first part, they are correct. The criminalization of the prostitute is an expression of not just bourgeois, but patriarchal hypocrisy, because the prostitute is essentially punished for trying to survive, punished for fulfilling the desires of the ruling class. The second part, however, is dead wrong. The countries that have legalized prostitution have seen a dramatic increase in human trafficking, because contrary to the free choice arguments of the “sex work” hypocrites, there exists nowhere near enough women who want to commodify themselves to meet the demand.[10]

In Australia and New Zealand, legalization has decreased the agency of prostitutes, and increased the power of pimps, by introducing the “all-inclusive”, a single fee paid to the pimp instead of directly to the prostitute, essentially depriving prostituted women of what little power of negotiation they had.[11] In Germany, a pregnant prostitute was coerced into having group sex with a bunch of men who “wanted” a pregnant woman; under German law, this was perfectly legal. The prostitute in question said she felt like she had no power to say no, as her agency had been usurped by the brothel.[12] Similarly, the “sex worker unions” advocated for by the “sex work” activists are another vehicle for pimps and their supporters to exercise their dominance; the Scarlet Alliance, Australia’s largest “sex worker union” even harassed survivors of the sex industry.[13] Rosa Luxemburg did advocate for the formation of revolutionary unions of prostitutes, but not to “regulate” prostitution, but to smash it. In fact, the advocates of full legalization (with or without regulation) belong in the company of fascists, not revolutionary socialists. The Nazis established an extensive and centralized system of brothels in cities and military camps, as well as in the concentration camps themselves. When Franco seized power in Spain, he overturned the abolitionist reforms of the Republic, and re-legalized prostitution so that men were guaranteed their brides were virgins and not “spoiled goods”.[14]

The most effective method of combatting prostitution has been the Nordic Model, which is made up of two components: 1) The decriminalization of selling sex, and the criminalization of pimps and johns; and 2) The creation and strengthening of state resources, such as education, professional training, counseling, and community support, to help prostitutes make a safe exit from the industry. Countries that have adopted the Nordic Model, such as Sweden, Norway, and Iceland have seen dramatic reductions in prostitution. The Swedish Ministry of Justice found that since the adoption of the Sex Buyer Law in 1999, prostitution has fully halved, and continues to decline.[15] Additionally, no evidence has been found that prostitutes are being forced underground as a result of this policy.[16] And most importantly, not a single prostitute has been murdered by a john since the law came into effect.

What the pimps, johns, and their apologists cannot stand about the Nordic Model is that it ends their monopoly on power, and actually punishes their exploitation of women, all while empowering their former slaves. This is why they always try to erect obfuscations against the Nordic Model, even outright crying about how it victimizes the “poor johns”. Some of the more cunning faux leftists argue against the Nordic Model on the basis that it increases the power of the bourgeois state and police; or they claim that there is no use in combatting prostitution since no reform under capitalism will eliminate it. On the contrary, the Nordic Model represents a perfect example of a transitional demand. Trotsky defined the transitional demand as being a bridge between the minimum demands of social democracy and the maximum demands of revolutionary socialism; demands that would allow the oppressed to win not just key reforms, but also to increase their strength and confidence against the capitalist state. Transitional demands are not just calls for reform, but calls for openly revolutionary action that will spark reforms and strengthen existing ones.

The Nordic Model is a perfect example precisely because it is a reform that strikes at the heart of the patriarchal and capitalist system; it allows the masses to see just who supports and benefits from prostitution. Eugene Debs, when he was city clerk of Terre Haute, advocated for a kind of proto-Nordic Model, refusing to assess fines on prostitutes, because the police took no action against the pimps or the usually wealthy johns. As for the false concerns about increasing the power of the bourgeois state and police, the Nordic Model, like any good transitional reform, forces the state and the police to actually work for, not against, the people they claim to represent. Would these same “socialists” so worried about the cops being unleashed on pimps and johns have cried the same tears when Eisenhower sent in the National Guard to enforce the desegregation of schools in the Jim Crow south? It would, at the very least, be amusing to see a socialist cite this as an example of giving the bourgeois state “too much power”.

To reiterate, every socialist revolution has struck with the full force of its power against prostitution and the sex industry. Every major socialist revolutionary has recognized the emancipation of women from sexual slavery as one of the basic tasks of the revolution. These “sex work socialists” are more than just hypocrites and revisionists, they are outright misogynistic reactionaries. The degeneration of the revolutionary left in the western world, especially in the Anglophone world is what has allowed these trends to sprout and grow. The pernicious influence of neoliberalism and postmodernism have infected the body of the revolutionary left; slowly eating away at it like gradual poisoning. The Marxist concept of free love aims to eliminate the current patriarchal system of sexual coercion and exploitation, and replace it with a humane and open system of actively consensual intimacy. Those who believe otherwise would best be served by dropping the act, and joining the Libertarian Party, because that is where their politics truly lie. The left needs to remember its mission; the liberation of the oppressed peoples of the world, and take an active stand against the pimps and johns playing dress-up as communists.

[1]
Engels, Karl Marx and Frederick. “Communist Manifesto (Chapter 2).” Marxist Internet Archive. Marxist Internet Archive, n.d. Web. 02 July 2017.
[2] Krupskaya, Nadezhda. “On the Workers’ Strikes and Attacks on Brothels.” Facebook. Dmytriy Kovalevich, 05 Dec. 2016. Web. 02 July 2017. This portion is the only English translation of Krupskaya’s first article available online.
[3] Marx, Karl. “The German Ideology Part I: Feuerbach. Opposition of the Materialist and Idealist Outlook A. Idealism and Materialism.” Marxist Internet Archive. Marxist Internet Archive, n.d. Web. 02 July 2017.
[4] Kollontai, Alexandra. “Prostitution and Ways of Fighting It.” Marxist Internet Archive. Marxist Internet Archive, n.d. Web. 02 July 2017.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Ibid.
[7] Marx summarizes the membership of the lumpenproletariat in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte as follows: “Alongside decayed roués with dubious means of subsistence and of dubious origin, alongside ruined and adventurous offshoots of the bourgeoisie, were vagabonds, discharged soldiers, discharged jailbirds, escaped galley slaves, swindlers, mountebanks, lazzaroni, pickpockets, tricksters, gamblers, maquereaux [pimps], brothel keepers, porters, literati, organ grinders, ragpickers, knife grinders, tinkers, beggars — in short, the whole indefinite, disintegrated mass, thrown hither and thither, which the French call la bohème.” (Emphasis added.)
[8] The wide prevalence of racist porn can attest to this. Most porn sites have their material broken down by race. The “Asian fetish” is probably the most egregious example of racist fetishization.
[9] “Prostitution Is Not a Choice.” Soroptimist International of the Americas (2014): 2–6. Print.
[10] Cho, Seo-Young; Dreher, Axel; Neumayer, Eric; “Does Legalized Prostitution Increase Human Trafficking?” World Development, 2013, 41:67–82.
[11] Valisce, Sabrinna. “Advocating for the Nordic Model in Australia.” Facebook. Deep Green Resistance Australia, 03 May 2017. Web. 02 July 2017.
[12] Bindel, Julie. “Pregnant Women Are Being Legally Pimped out for Sex — This Is the Lowest Form of Capitalism.” The Independent. Independent Digital News and Media, 23 Apr. 2017. Web. 02 July 2017.
[13] Davoren, Heidi. “Former Sex Workers Claim Harassment by Pro-prostitution Groups after Speaking out.” ABC News. N.p., 12 Oct. 2016. Web. 02 July 2017.