The eight hour day movement and the origins of Mayday

Mayday 1886, source

Richard Mellor

Let's hope today, May 1st 2026 will see one of the largest Mayday's since 1886 and that as opposed to passive protests and rallies, millions of workers take strike action. Mayday is about shutting down production. hitting them where it hurts most----profits. 

 

Mayday is International Workers' Day. When I first came to the United States from Britain in the early seventies, most American workers I spoke to thought May Day was a Soviet or Russian holiday. But Mayday is as American as apple pie as they say. It is a workers' holiday officially celebrated throughout the world but not here. 

Mayday has its roots in the history of the American working class movement. During the later half of the 19th century there was an ongoing struggle for the eight hour day and fewer work hours in general. Craft Unions, where workers organized around their individual trades, was the dominant form of organization and the brutality of the employers was widespread. 

At a meeting of the Central Labor Union of New York City on May 18th 1882, P.J. McGuire, a socialist and founder and General Secretary of the Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners, introduced a resolution for a day of festivities and parades in New York commemorating Labor and it proposed the first Monday in September. The first national organization that supported a day of celebration in honor of Labor was the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions at its convention in Chicago in 1884 and it was these developments that led to Labor Day.

“To capitalists, bankers and their hirelings” the Federation announced. As workers, “..drudge and toil your away your lives for a bare existence, these idlers and non-producers live in luxury and debauchery, squandering with a lavish hand that which belongs to you ---that which your labor produces..” (Sound familiar?)

“They have tried to deny us the right to organize---a right guaranteed by the constitution of this government. Therefore we call on you to show that we defy them; that you will organize; that you have organized; that the day of your deliverance is approaching. To do this we ask you to join the our ranks in celebrating the day.”

The Federation went on to proclaim: “The Trades and Labor Assembly proclaims labor’s annual holiday the first Monday of September. Leave your benches, leave your shops….”

The first national observance took place in September 1885 and the US Congress adopted Labor Day, the first Monday in September, as an official holiday on June 28th 1894. The bill was introduced by a member of the Typographical Union.

Alongside these developments, every Labor demonstration at the time, including the Labor Day celebrations, had the eight hour day as a dominant theme, “Eight Hours to Constitute a Days Work” was a prominent slogan and at the same Federation’s 1884 convention where a national Labor Day was proclaimed, another resolution was passed that stated:

“Resolved by the Federation of Organized Trades Labor Unions of the United States and Canada that eight hours shall constitute a legal day’s labor from and after May 1st 1886, and that we recommend to labor organizations throughout this district that they so direct their laws as to conform to this resolution by the time named.”

So May Day has began and always been associated with the struggle for the eight-hour day and the movement around this struggle that arose in the 1880’s and culminating in May 1st 1886.

Prior to the Federation’s resolution, struggles had been taking place around the eight-hour day and shorter working hours in general. Some bosses had conceded and some city councils gave public sector workers the eight-hour day. But like today when we sign a contract, the minute the ink is dry the bosses are trying to violate it. In addition, the bosses would often reduce pay by 20% to compensate for the lost time so they actually lost nothing at all.

It became clear then, as it is today that workers cannot rely on legislation, capitalist politicians or their parties to defend our economic and material interests. All the social legislation that came out of the great upsurge of the 1930’s the occupations and the CIO and the Civil Rights movement of the 60’s from sick leave to title 7 were already rights taken in the streets through mass action; they were simply forced to legitimize them on paper and then write history to show that legislation and “responsible” political lobbying is what produces results.

If they wanted the eight-hour day, “The way to get it” Carpenter’s leader P.J. McGuire said, was “….by organization. In 1868, the United States passed an Eight-Hour Law, and that law has been enforced just twice. If you want and Eight-Hour law, make it yourself.” McGuire added, “We want an enactment by the working men themselves that on a given day, eight hours should constitute a day’s work, and they ought to enforce it themselves.” **

So it was the Carpenter’s that introduced the resolution stating May 1st 1986 as the first day for the establishment of eight hours as the legal workday. Another proposal stated that votes be taken in all Labor organizations for a “universal strike” for an eight-hour workday on May 1st. A writer for the well known Labor journal John Swinton’s paper who was covering the convention, wrote:

“It is useless to wait for legislation……A united demand for a shorter working day, backed by thorough organization, would prove vastly more effective than the enactment of a thousand laws depending for enforcement upon the pleasure of aspiring politicians or sycophantic department officials.” ***

“To accede the point that capitalists have the right to eight hours of our labor is more than a compromise, it is a virtual concession that the wages system is right” the anarchist journal wrote.

But the working class took up the idea seriously and revolutionaries of all types, including anarchists joined the movement and played a crucial role in the success of May day, especially in Chicago which was a hotbed of radical activity. Agitation for the eight-hour day was everywhere and rallies and protests, parades and gatherings took place throughout the country prior to Mayday. By mid April, 250,000 industrial workers were involved and in the face of the movement and to head it off, many bosses made concessions on hours.

They responded with the stick and the carrot as they always do and always will. In the mass media that they owned then as now, their propaganda said that society would collapse, the country would go broke, the money not there. The eight-hour day was “communism, lurid and rampant” . they claimed it would encourage “loafing and gambling, rioting, debauchery and drunkenness.” (they think we are like them you see) They wrote that it would bring “lower wages, poverty and degradation for American workers.”

But there was no stopping the movement. Foner points out that workers were smoking eight-hour tobacco, buying eight-hour shoes and sang the following eight-hour song:

We mean to make things over;
we’re tired of toil for nought

We sure don't have this today

But bare enough to live on; never
an hour for thought.
We want to feel the sunshine; we
Want to smell the flowers;
We’re sure that God has willed it,
And we mean to have eight hours.
We’re summoning our forces from
Shipyard shop and mill:
Eight hours for work, eight hours for rest
Eight hours for what we will.

On May Day 1886 some 350,000 workers in more than 11,000 workplaces went on strike for the eight-hour day. 40,000 went out in Chicago. These are impressive figures for the time and the conditions and the limited Union organization. 45,000 workers were granted the eight-hour day without striking. The city of Chicago was paralyzed and the meatpacking workers, some of the most abused in the city won the eight-hour day with no reduction in pay, a huge victory. May Day 1886 was also a great organizing tool and thousands of workers joined Labor organizations. The same happened during the great strike upsurge that led to the CIO as millions joined Unions.

The bosses won much of this back but there were permanent gains made as hours were lessened in many industries. But May Day terrified the bosses and they responded with extreme violence attacking gatherings continuously. Then on May 3rd at the McCormick Harvester factory where workers, members of the Knights of Labor were locked out for striking for the eight-hour day, scabs, escorted by hundreds of cops were brought in. As the workers demonstrated against the strikebreaking, the cops shot in to the crowd and killed four strikers. The following day, a meeting was called in Haymarket Square to protest the brutal killings and indiscriminate violence by the police. It was a peaceful rally until the end of the day when it was almost over. A couple of hundred cops waded in to the crowd to force them to disperse despite it being a legal gathering and attended by the mayor who had left earlier.

A bomb was thrown at the cops killing a bunch of them and the cops responded by shooting in to the crowd killing a number of workers and wounding hundreds. In the aftermath of the bombing, hundreds of workers were arrested, tortured and beaten. The cops eventually chose the prominent anarchist workers’ leaders to put on trial. These were among the most successful organizers and were hated by the employers and the cops. They were accused of murder even thought they weren’t at the rally because the “unknown” bomb thrower must have been influenced by their speeches.

Haymarket Martyrs

The accused were found guilty in a rigged trial and sentenced to hang. Protests and support poured in from around the world which did force them to commute some sentences but four of the workers’ leaders, including Albert Parsons, were executed.

Throughout the struggle for Labor rights, and the eight-hour day culminating in May Day, the tendency is for workers to overcome the barriers that the bosses use to divide and weaken us. “Every worker who toiled for a living would be welcome. No distinction of color will be made; race prejudice will be ignored; religious differences will be set aside; but all men will be on an equality provided he earns his daily bread” proclaimed the New York Central Labor Union in its appeal to all Labor bodies to support Labor day. It is a reflection of the times that the mention of women is not as prominent which reflects the terrible legacy of sexism but we learn through struggle.

The reason May Day is ignored by the officials, legislators of laws, and the Democratic and Republican parties, is that it was an independent movement of the working class in this country. As McGuire said, we have to take independent action if we want something. The same applies today. The leaders of the organized working class today are also terrified of independent working class action, either direct action like strikes or political action like a mass workers party as they support capitalism, they have the same world view as the boss. Labor Day is a legislated day that they were forced to approve and they even hide that history but it is the "official" and safe holiday where we eat and drink and support the Democrats.

May Day is a uniquely American creation. May Day began as our day but we share it with the rest of the workers of the world because we are not simply “one” with other workers here in the US,  we are “one” with workers of all countries. The history of US Labor is a rich and militant one. We have faced incredible violence and survived it. Despite the history of racism and sexism that the bosses introduce in to every institution and pore of society in order to divide us, we have come this far.

Back in May 2006, some of the most oppressed and abused sections of the US working class, a couple of million immigrant workers reminded us of the importance of this holiday to our class. We thank them for it. 

Happy Mayday.

* St Paul Globe Democrat, 8-16-1855 Quoted in P Foner, History of the Labor movement of the United States Vol.2 p97
** ibid p 99
*** ibid P99

Gaza: The World Sees a Mass Grave. The Powerful See an Opportunity for Capital Investment.

The World Sees a Mass Grave. The Powerful See an Opportunity for Capital Investment.

The 'Reimagined Gaza' Plan is a test case for us all. 

KENN MAURICE ORFANOS 

APR 22, 2026

Shared from Kenn Maurice Orfanos  on Substack

There is no greater evidence of the psychopathy of the global ruling class than what they have in store for Gaza. To ‘reimagine’ a mass grave of hundreds of thousands of people into some kind of Levantine Dubai or ‘Riviera of the Middle East’ is so utterly depraved that most people would have to breach multiple moral and ethical safeguards to even consider it. Yet, to these wealthy capital investors, such plans are not only acceptable, they are desirable. 

Gaza has been a crossroad for civilization for over 5000 years. It was an essential piece of The Via Maris or ‘Way of the Sea,’ a critical highway for commerce and cultural exchange through the Levant. An ancient trade route which began in the early Bronze Age and connected Egypt with the northern empires of Syria, Anatolia, and Mesopotamia along the Mediterranean coast. The ancient Canaanites, Philistines, Egyptians, Assyrians, Phoenicians, Greeks, Romans, and Ottomans all traversed, traded and even settled on its land.

But in the 20th century, it was rendered another victim of Western colonialism. The Zionist ideology of conquest and ethnic cleansing turned it into the biggest, open-air concentration camp on earth. In fact, at least 80% of the Palestinians in Gaza are refugees, violently expelled from their ancestral land in the 1948 Nakba, and forced to watch their homes stolen and transformed into something else by Zionist settlers. 

This is the part of the story the West likes to leave out. The fact that Israel stole the land of the people it now houses in a concentration camp. Because that part of the narrative is inconvenient to the ‘land without a people for a people without a land’ myth. There were people there for centuries, just not the ‘right kind of people.’ 

As with every other colonial enterprise, Israel controlled whatever and whoever entered or left the camp. It put the people ‘on a diet’ as one Israeli official glibly noted. And it routinely ‘mowed the grass’ as another callously admitted, referring to the periodic and indiscriminate bombing of apartment buildings and other infrastructure over the years. Now, the Final Solution is at hand. The ultimate destination of all colonial enterprises: genocide. 

Over the last 2+ years, Israel has reduced the ancient cities to rubble. The mosaics, statuary, mosques, souks, hammams, shaded garden courtyards, scrolls and other historical documents... almost all of them destroyed. Hospitals, medical facilities, schools, universities, bakeries, water and sewage treatment facilities, farms bombed to dust. And the people? Israel erased entire bloodlines and murdered thousands of doctors, nurses, paramedics, journalists, teachers, poets, musicians and athletes. Gaza now has more orphaned children than anywhere else on earth. 

The ‘reimagining of Gaza’ isn’t occurring in some vacuum. It is emblematic of the paradigm the powerful have in store for us all. The world witnessed the world’s first livestreamed genocide over the past 2+ years. But they also witnessed the complicity and cowardice of their leaders in the face of such blatant and banal evil. And this normalization has been useful for them to desensitize us all to whatever they do next. 

Regardless of their sinister machinations, most of us will never accept such naked barbarity. And they know that too. Thus, the incessant distraction, gaslighting and deflection we are seeing every day. 

As the American Empire, the primary benefactor for the colonial garrison state of Israel, crumbles in the most inglorious of ways, this project is being exposed for the farce it is. If there is one thing the Palestinians have proven it is that their determination and resolve cannot be defeated. For that, we should all be grateful. Because the fate of Gaza is the fate of us all. And if we can learn anything it is that despite their power and wealth, we must never allow ourselves to be conditioned to accept such psychopathic cruelty as inevitable.

Kenn Maurice Orfanos, April 2026

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Labor History: The Real History of the New Deal: Reform From Below

Just listen to the commentary and the bias in reporting.

A friend shared a Robert Reich article with me criticizing the Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas who spoke at a public event recently blaming the “progressive era” and I assume progressives. For the “worst crimes of the 20^th century” Reich is correct to take Thomas up on this but then goes on to praise Theodore Roosevelt and his grandson Franklin D Roosevelt as the forces behind the progressive era. I respond to this false argument below, it is propaganda really in order to negate the role of the US working class in changing history.

 

The Real History of the New Deal: Reform From Below

Richard Mellor
Afscme Local 444 retired

Robert Reich, one of the architects of NAFTA, invokes the New Deal while leaving out its most important dimensions — the explosive class struggle that actually forced Roosevelt's hand. Liberal labor leaders and Democrats love to cast Roosevelt as the friend of the working man, the hero who saved capitalism from itself. The real story is more uncomfortable for them.

The legislation of the 1930s — the National Recovery Act of 1933, the Wagner Act of 1935, the WPA and the broader social legislation of the era — was the capitalist class codifying what workers had already won in the streets and workplaces of America. Roosevelt didn't lead the working class. He managed the crisis it created.

The Ground Shifts

After the 1929 crash, industrial production collapsed by 48% between 1929 and 1933. The early strikes of the period were led by the American Federation of Labor, but the AFL was a craft union federation with little interest in industrial workers, who were considered unskilled and unorganizable. John Lewis's United Mine Workers stood as the major exception. Those early strikes were defeated.

The Depression ground people down, and radicalism filled the vacuum. The Communist Party organized in auto and steel, led rent strikes in working class neighborhoods, and recruited thousands. It was building a base in the most strategic sectors of the economy.

Then came 1934 — a turning point in American labor history that deserves to be remembered the way July 4th is remembered, and isn't.

Three general strikes erupted that year. In Minneapolis, 40,000 workers took to the streets in a truckers' strike led by organizers who would go on to found the Socialist Workers Party. They battled police in pitched confrontations and won. In Toledo, workers struck the Auto-Lite plant — and critically, the unemployed joined them on the picket line, refusing to be used as scabs against their employed neighbors. The left-wing Lucas County Unemployed League was central to that solidarity. In San Francisco, longshoreman Harry Bridges led a general strike that shut the city down. Socialists and Communists played leading roles in all three. All three won.

Legislation Follows Power

It was in the aftermath of this upheaval that Roosevelt passed the Wagner Act in 1935, guaranteeing private sector workers the legal right to organize. This sequence matters. The law didn't create the movement — the movement created the conditions under which the law became necessary.

The AFL, shaken by events, made a belated attempt to organize auto workers. But its craft union structure was incompatible with industrial unionism. The break came dramatically when John Lewis — heading what was then the Committee for Industrial Organization within the AFL — punched the Carpenters union president and walked out. The CIO was born. Lewis, a shrewd tactician whatever his politics, used Communist Party activists as his organizers. At the CIO's height, roughly 43% of its affiliated unions were led by CP supporters. Critically, the CIO had no color bar. Black workers joined in enormous numbers, and the impact on Black working class life was substantial and lasting.

Flint

In 1936, workers took on the world's largest corporation. General Motors had vowed it would never recognize a union. It paid workers in company scrip. Workers lived in GM-owned houses and bought from GM-owned stores. It was a company that owned people's lives.

On December 30, 1936, workers occupied the Fisher Body plant in Flint, Michigan. Sit-down strikes spread across GM facilities throughout the country, echoing the great French sit-downs of that same year. The occupation lasted 44 days. Women organized a network outside the plant walls, passing food through windows and holding the line against police. The GM bosses were reluctant to storm the plants — the workers were sitting beside the dies and tooling, and could destroy them. The Michigan governor threatened to send in troops. The workers' response was unambiguous: if soldiers came in, the blood was on his hands and they were prepared to die.

GM capitulated. The UAW was recognized. It remains one of the greatest victories in the history of American labor.

The War and What Came After

The economic crisis deepened again in 1937. What ultimately rescued the capitalist system was not the New Deal but the Second World War — at the cost of 57 million lives.

Roosevelt was an astute ruling class politician. He forced GM to retool its factories for war production — a private corporation compelled by the state to produce what the state required. During the 2008 financial crisis, the same logic applied when the government effectively nationalized large sections of the financial industry, calling it "conservatorship" to avoid the political freight of the word. The lesson in both cases is the same: through public ownership and democratic control over production, societies can produce what people need rather than what generates profit. That is the fundamental contradiction the New Deal exposed without resolving.

The Lesson

Twenty years after Flint, the gains of the civil rights movement followed the same logic. Legislation came from pressure in the streets, in the churches, on the buses and at the lunch counters — not from the goodwill of politicians. Politicians responded, sometimes reluctantly, to power they could not ignore.

That is the consistent lesson of this period. Legislative gains that benefit working people come from organized power from below. They are then managed, institutionalized, and where possible, defused by those above. Understanding that sequence clearly is the beginning of not being fooled by the next Robert Reich who invokes the New Deal while burying its actual history.

For Further Reading

• Sit-Down — Sidney Fine
• Labor's Giant Step — Art Preis
• Strike! — Jeremy Brecher
• Poor People's Movements — Frances Fox Piven and Richard Cloward

8647: The Criminalization of Meaning in an Age of Power

"Cool shell formation on my beach walk." ( James Comey)

8647  The Criminalization of Meaning in an Age of Power

Bruce Fanger

White Rose | April 29, 2026

 

There are moments when a system does not quietly drift off course. It exposes itself. 

 

The federal indictment of James Comey over a photograph of seashells arranged to read “8647” is one of those moments. On the surface it looks absurd. Look closer and it becomes something far more revealing. It is a fracture in how power now treats speech, intent, and dissent.

 

The indictment, filed just yesterday, marks a second attempt after an earlier case collapsed. The post in question was quickly deleted, with Comey describing it as a beachside curiosity rather than a threat. None of that stopped the machinery from moving forward.

 

This is no longer about shells. It is about whether symbols themselves can be turned into crimes.

 

The government’s case rests on translation. “86” becomes “eliminate.” “47” becomes the president. From there, prosecutors construct intent. No weapon. No plan. No timeline. No action. Only a symbol, stretched until it snaps into a felony.

 

That is not law enforcement. That is prosecution by interpretation.

 

For decades, “86” has lived comfortably in American slang. It meant the kitchen ran out of something. It meant a bar threw someone out. It meant move on, clear it out, get rid of the problem. It was imprecise, contextual, and mostly harmless. Now, under political pressure, that same elasticity is being recast as evidence of violent intent.

 

Once that door opens, it does not close neatly.

 

Because if speech is no longer anchored in what is said or done, but in what power claims to perceive, then the standard shifts. The boundary moves. The rules are no longer fixed.

 

And that is where the danger lives.

 

There is a bitter irony here. An administration that markets itself as tough, unbothered, and relentlessly combative has chosen to deploy the full weight of federal law against a photograph. Not a coordinated threat. Not a plot. A photograph.

 

Strong governments ignore mockery. Weak ones prosecute it.

 

To sustain a conviction under federal law, prosecutors must prove a “true threat.” Not metaphor. Not offense. Not ambiguity. A real and serious expression of intent to do harm. The standard is not vague. Under Counterman v. Colorado (2023), prosecutors must show not only that a reasonable person would read the statement as a threat, but that the speaker consciously disregarded a substantial risk it would be taken that way.

 

That second prong is where this case begins to collapse.

 

If this theory holds, the implications are not subtle. It means intent can be inferred from symbolism alone. It means elastic language becomes liability. It means the state can decide what a phrase signifies, and then punish the meaning it has assigned.

 

Today it is “8647.”

 

Tomorrow it is whatever phrase, image, or joke someone in power decides crosses an invisible line.

 

This is not a slippery slope argument. It is the logical extension of the framework being tested here.

Defenders will argue that threats against the president must be taken seriously. That is true. The problem is not seriousness. The problem is elasticity.

 

If this standard were applied consistently, vast portions of political speech would fall under suspicion. Social media would be a minefield of prosecutable implication. It is not. Which leaves a different conclusion.

 

This is not about safety. It is about selective interpretation.

 

And that is where systems begin to lose legitimacy.

 

People can tolerate disagreement. They can tolerate bias. They can even tolerate hypocrisy. What they cannot tolerate for long is arbitrariness. The sense that the rules no longer exist as stable principles, but as tools that shift depending on who holds power.

 

That is the deeper damage here.

 

A government that begins to read threats into seashells is not projecting strength. It is signaling insecurity. It is revealing that it no longer trusts the boundary between speech and crime to hold on its own.

 

So it moves that boundary.

 

If this prosecution collapses, it will be remembered as overreach. If it succeeds, it will be remembered as a turning point.

 

Either way, something has already been exposed.

 

Because once the state begins to criminalize what symbols are allowed to suggest, it has already admitted what it would prefer to hide.

 

It no longer trusts itself to win in the arena of ideas.

 

#WhiteRose #FreeSpeech #FirstAmendment #RuleOfLaw #CivilLiberties #PoliticalPower #86_47

Ken Klippenstein: Cole Allen Hated the Democratic Party, Too

 Cole Allen Hated the Democratic Party, Too

Alleged shooter's views are more mainstream than you've been told

Ken Klippenstein April 28, 2026

Cole Tomas Allen

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Extremist. Radicalized. Leftist. Anti-Christian. Democrat.

To read the coverage of Cole Allen, the alleged White House Correspondents' Association dinner gunman, you'd think he was a poster boy for the administration's belief that the country is under siege from a left-wing insurgency (see: NSPM-7). The evidence, as you'll see, says otherwise — but everyone from the White House to major media outlets are sticking to the script regardless.

President Trump declared Allen “radicalized.” 

RNC Chairman Joe Gruters blamed a “radicalized left” for the incident, calling it “the inevitable result of a radicalized left that has normalized political violence.”

Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche said investigators were probing any connection Allen may have had to left-wing groups or were looking for accomplices and co-conspirators.

Even hyper-liberal MSNOW (formerly MSNBC) “Justice and Intelligence” correspondent Ken Dilanian parrots the administration line, claiming Allen is one of several attackers “on the far left fringes”: 

“So it really fits the pattern of what we’ve seen with Luigi Mangione, accused of killing the United Healthcare CEO, or Tyler Robinson, accused of killing Charlie Kirk — of these sorts of people on the far-left fringes who have become radicalized, who are living in a world of unreality, bombarded by conspiracy theories, who decide that they have to take violent action.”

But as I’ve written, Luigi Mangione, Tyler Robinson and now Cole Allen were neither far-left nor on any partisan fringe. Instead, they were united in a sense of frustration with failed institutions defined by inaction — and a determination to embody the opposite through shocking spectacles of action. What nobody in power wants to admit is that the belief that institutions have failed is as mainstream as Taylor Swift, not the fringe radicalism of '70s outfits like the Weather Underground that pundits keep invoking.

Allen, his social media posts reveal, was not singularly focused on Trump. He had plenty of contempt for Democratic leaders too — a contempt for both parties that, far from being fringe, actually puts squarely in the majority of American opinion. By early 2025, the Democratic Party had sunk to historic lows: 27% approval in NBC News polling and 29% at CNN — the lowest in CNN's polling since 1992. A Pew survey found 59% of Democrats disapproved of their own congressional leadership. That’s more than 25 million American voters, according to the latest numbers.

Hating the political establishment may once have made you a member of the radical fringe, but those days are long gone. Strange as it may seem, Allen is, politically speaking, a dime a dozen.

Consider his social media posts.

“If this is the extent to which Democratic leadership is willing to lead, it is time to form an actual third party,” Allen posted on Bluesky on January 21, 2025. 

It was one of numerous other similar posts in which Allen called for an alternative to the Democrat and Republican parties.

“At this point might be faster to replace it with a new party … call it the ‘Do Something’ party, idk,” he said in another post, one of countless hints at his frustration with political inaction.

“If this is the level of analysis coming out of the leaders of the dem party!!…might need an entirely new party tbh,” he said in another post.

“I swear the democrat party does not comprehend the concept of priorities…,” he wrote on February 13.

By March, he was calling for the ouster of the top-ranking Democrat in Congress, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer.

“Is there such a thing as a vote of no confidence for Senate minority leader?” he posted on March 13.

The day before, Allen was cracking jokes about Schumer’s uselessness.

“Schumer is acting like an rpg [role playing game] player who hoards every single potion, powerup, and consumable he comes across because ‘maybe I’ll need them later,’” he wrote on March 12.

“Schumer’s assignment was not turned in on time,” he cracked on April 8 — days before the attack.

To call Allen a foot soldier of the Democratic left requires ignoring much of what he posted online. It’s a convenient narrative — it casts political violence as a product of partisan extremism rather than what the polling actually suggests: a broad, bipartisan collapse of faith in American institutions and their leadership.

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Statement from the Shooter at the White House Correspondents Dinner

My immediate view on something like this is it is not a "crazed" rant from some psychotic individual. In fact, I am reluctant to judge any individual in this situation especially after reading this statement. After all, we don't refer to our troops that kill people abroad as "crazed", or cops that shoot unarmed people as "crazed" we say the troops are heroes and the cops defending their lives.

I will say this, just as the Luddites smashed machinery and in the early days of the US labor movement workers took to acts of violence, bombing and sabotage directed at the enemy's power, we have to accept in my view that in the absence of any social force, political party or workers movement we will see more of these individual acts of resistance to the savagery of the market and it's perpetrators. 

It is not the correct approach, it will not achieve our aims, the emancipation of the working class and society from capital. but we have to see it as the desperate act of a worker acting in anger and with no organized force that can resolve what is a real crisis facing working people today, in the US and throughout the world. Richard Mellor FFWP Admin

Cole Allen

 

Thanks to Liza May for sharing.

 

"Accused White House Correspondents’ Dinner gunman Cole Allen sent a sprawling, crazed manifesto to family members about 10 minutes before Saturday’s attack, sources told The Post.

The 1,052-word missive obtained by The Post Sunday morning — signed Cole ‘coldForce’ ‘Friendly Federal Assassin’ Allen” — outlined his “rules of engagement” for the shooting and stated he believed it was his righteous duty to target administration officials."

 

Cole Allen’s manifesto in full:

 

"Hello everybody!

 

So I may have given a lot of people a surprise today. Let me start off by apologizing to everyone whose trust I abused.

I

 apologize to my parents for saying I had an interview without specifying it was for “Most Wanted.”

 

I apologize to my colleagues and students for saying I had a personal emergency (by the time anyone reads this, I probably most certainly DO need to go to the ER, but can hardly call that not a self-inflicted status.)

 

I apologize to all of the people I traveled next to, all the workers who handled my luggage, and all the other non-targeted people at the hotel who I put in danger simply by being near.

I apologize to everyone who was abused and/or murdered before this, to all those who suffered before I was able to attempt this, to all who may still suffer after, regardless of my success or failure.

 

I don’t expect forgiveness, but if I could have seen any other way to get this close, I would have taken it. Again, my sincere apologies.

 

On to why I did any of this:

 

I am a citizen of the United States of America.

 

What my representatives do reflects on me.

 

And I am no longer willing to permit a pedophile, rapist, and traitor to coat my hands with his crimes.

 

(Well, to be completely honest, I was no longer willing a long time ago, but this is the first real opportunity I’ve had to do something about it.)

 

While I’m discussing this, I’ll also go over my expected rules of engagement (probably in a terrible format, but I’m not military so too bad.)

 

Administration officials (not including Mr. Patel): they are targets, prioritized from highest-ranking to lowest.

 

Secret Service: they are targets only if necessary, and to be incapacitated non-lethally if possible 

(aka, I hope they’re wearing body armor because center mass with shotguns messes up people who *aren’t*

 

Hotel Security: not targets if at all possible (aka unless they shoot at me)

 

Capitol Police: same as Hotel Security

 

National Guard: same as Hotel Security

 

Hotel Employees: not targets at all

 

Guests: not targets at all

 

In order to minimize casualties I will also be using buckshot rather than slugs (less penetration through walls)

 

I would still go through most everyone here to get to the targets if it were absolutely necessary (on the basis that most people *chose* to attend a speech by a pedophile, rapist, and traitor, and are thus complicit) but I really hope it doesn’t come to that.

 

Rebuttals to objections:

 

Objection 1: As a Christian, you should turn the other cheek.

 

Rebuttal: Turning the other cheek is for when you yourself are oppressed. I’m not the person raped in a detention camp. I’m not the fisherman executed without trial. I’m not a schoolkid blown up or a child starved or a teenage girl abused by the many criminals in this administration.

 

Turning the other cheek when *someone else* is oppressed is not Christian behavior; it is complicity in the oppressor’s crimes.

 

Objection 2: This is not a convenient time for you to do this.

 

Rebuttal: I need whoever thinks this way to take a couple minutes and realize that the world isn’t about them. Do you think that when I see someone raped or murdered or abused, I should walk on by because it would be “inconvenient” for people who aren’t the victim?

 

This was the best timing and chance of success I could come up with.

 

Objection 3: You didn’t get them all.

 

Rebuttal: Gotta start somewhere.

 

Objection 4: As a half-black, half-white person, you shouldn’t be the one doing this.

 

Rebuttal: I don’t see anyone else picking up the slack

 

Objection 5: Yield unto Caesar what is Caesar’s.

 

Rebuttal: The United States of America are ruled by the law, not by any one or several people. In so far as representatives and judges do not follow the law, no one is required to yield them anything so unlawfully ordered.

 

I would also like to extend my appreciation to a great many people since I will not be likely to be able to talk with them again (unless the Secret Service is *astoundingly* incompetent.)

 

Thank you to my family, both personal and church, for your love over these 31 years.

 

Thank you to my friends, for your companionship over many years.

 

Thank you to my colleagues over many jobs, for your positivity and professionalism.

 

Thank you to my students for your enthusiasm and love of learning.

 

Thank you to the many acquaintances I’ve met, in person and online, for short interactions and long-term relationships, for your perspectives and inspiration.

 

Thank you all for everything.

 

Sincerely,

Cole “coldForce” “Friendly Federal Assassin” Allen

 

PS: Ok now that all the sappy stuff is done, what the hell is the Secret Service doing? Sorry, gonna rant a bit here and drop the formal tone.

 

Like, I expected security cameras at every bend, bugged hotel rooms, armed agents every 10 feet, metal detectors out the wazoo.

 

What I got (who knows, maybe they’re pranking me!) is nothing.

 

No damn security.

 

Not in transport.

 

Not in the hotel.

Not in the event.

 

Like, the one thing that I immediately noticed walking into the hotel is the sense of arrogance.

 

I walk in with multiple weapons and not a single person there considers the possibility that I could be a threat.

 

The security at the event is all outside, focused on protestors and current arrivals, because apparently no one thought about what happens if someone checks in the day before.

 

Like, this level of incompetence is insane, and I very sincerely hope it’s corrected by the time this country gets actually competent leadership again.

 

Like, if I was an Iranian agent, instead of an American citizen, I could have brought a damn Ma Deuce in here and no one would have noticed shit.

Actually insane.

 

Oh and if anyone is curious is how doing something like feels: it’s awful. I want to throw up; I want to cry for all the things I wanted to do and never will, for all the people whose trust this betrays; I experience rage thinking about everything this administration has done.

Can’t really recommend it! Stay in school, kids."