By Greg Oxley in Paris
The
movement known as the gilets jaunes
(yellow vests) began as an outcry through social media networks with a mass
petition against the increase in tax on petrol and diesel. But it rapidly
passed over into a wave of militant protests in towns and cities across the
entire country, with the setting up of road-blocks on highways and barricades
barring access to fuel storage facilities.
As the
protest gained momentum, it became clear that the issues being raising went
well beyond petrol prices and taxes. Various lists of demands have been
published, covering a wide variety of subjects. The demands reflect the
presence of different and to some degree conflicting political tendencies.
Taken as a whole, however, they express profound hostility to the existing
social order, and a pressing need for the radical transformation of society.
The organisational
form of the movement means that it is not possible to put accurate figures on
the scale of participation. What is certain, however, is that the people
directly or indirectly involved in the protests numbered at least 200,000 to
300,000 on each day. All opinion polls have shown crushing majorities in
popular support for their aims, generally ranging from 75% to 84% of the
population.
Impressive
as these figures are, such massive support would, in itself, indicate a
coalition of favourable opinions formed on the basis of very different
political inclinations. A poll published on the website of the radio station France Info indicates that 90% of
traditional left-wing voters support the gilets
jaunes, together with 75% of the right-wing electorate and even 50% of
supporters of Macron’s own party.
Contradictory
trends have been present, to some degree or other, on all barricades and on
street demonstrations of the gilets
jaunes, ranging from extreme right-wing nationalism to left-wing, anarchist
and revolutionary leanings at the other extreme. Among the articles published
by the various left groupings, most of which are not actively involved
either in the organised workers’ movement or in protests, we can read
comparisons between this mass movement and that of May-June 1968, just as we
can read that it is essentially ‘fascist’ or ‘poujadiste’ (a movement of the 1950s based largely on the rural
right-wing), or an expression of the ‘enraged petite-bourgeoisie’.
The
few reactionary trends which have a marginal existence within the gilets jaunes movement have made some
PCF and trade-union militants reticent about expressing any formal support for
it, although the CGT, the PCF and the left-wing party led by Jean-Luc
Mélenchon, La France Insoumise, have
all correctly recognised that this is essentially a mass movement driven by
desperation and anger over falling living standards and social injustice, and
they have therefore given their support, while at the same time dissociating
themselves from the minority racist and reactionary trends within it.
Most
demonstrators are workers finding it difficult to manage
The
confusion over the character of the movement arises from the fact that it is in
reality a coalition of various political and social forces, whose strands are
as yet still too intertwined to permit a clear description of the movement as a
whole. The majority of the gilets jaunes
are wage-workers who in spite of long hours in mainly manual jobs are finding
it increasingly difficult to find decent housing and properly-paid stable
employment to feed, clothe and offer a viable future to their families.
That
is the root cause of this movement, without the slightest doubt. And the fact
that some groups of employers and right-wing nationalist organisations have
tried, here and there, to exploit it for their own reactionary ends does not
change this fact.
When
building industry employers, caring little for the problems of the workers and
angling for tax concessions specifically for themselves, lend machinery and
vehicles to serve in barricades and roadblocks, the workers grasp this help
with both hands. But talk to them and you will see that they know these are
unreliable allies, and that fear of betrayal makes them seek more active
support from other workers and students.
This
is not anything like what happened in 1968, which was the culmination of a
steady rise in organised working class militancy during the first decade of the
Gaullist régime, and triggered by massive student protests. The movement of the
gilets jaunes is very different. The
wage-workers who form the backbone of the movement are drawn from the swelling
ranks of the unorganised working poor. They are overwhelmingly new to politics
and active protest, and unfamilier with the crystallized ideological and
political trends that are ordinarily confined to a thin layer of regular
activists. Most of them live in the lesser developed regions of France, where
public services – including public transport – are scarce. For them, increases in prices hit hard, as do
increases in taxes, especially because they see no benefits from taxes in terms
of public services and the development of local infrastructure.
The
pressure on living standards has stirred up the ordinarily invisible and silent
depths of society and brought them to the surface. The ideas of these people
have not been fashioned in fancy debates, with articulate speakers and raised
hands for questions and contributions, nor by books on history and philosophy.
And so, yes, they may appear to some self-proclaimed ‘revolutionary theorists’
as rather unpolished, given to one-sided views and guilty of occasional racist
or sexist remarks.
Movement
of gilets jaunes is fluid and unpredictable
But be
that as it may, they have become engaged in a bitter struggle, in a revolt of
proportions not seen for decades. Their views are not fixed once and for all.
They will draw conclusions from the present struggle. The different strands
within the movement will unravel in time. As to the nature of their conclusions
and relative strength of the different political tendencies taking shape as a
result of the present events, that is still an open question.
A proportion of the workers manning the
barricades may have voted for the Rassemblement
National (formerly the Front National). This does not mean they
are consciously racist and reactionary. Many such people could and should be
won over to the labour movement. It is possible that the movement of the gilets jaunes will prove to be a prelude
to a new upsurge in organised militancy. On the other hand, it is possible that
the nationalist and xenophobic trends in society could be strengthened, to the
detriment of our cause. There is nothing inevitable about the triumph of
socialist ideas. The consciousness of the workers depends upon a struggle of
living forces. And struggles can be won or lost. To turn our backs on the gilets jaunes, to write them off as
‘petit-bourgeois’, ‘fascists’ or ‘poujadistes’,
would be a grave mistake.
An
examination of the main demands which have come to the surface in the course of
the movement shows that most of them express an attempt to reduce the
precariousness of working class life, to improve the conditions and the net
income of workers and to attack the privileges and power of the ruling elites.
Demands
include the call for a general reduction of taxes – not just on petroleum
products – and an increase in pensions, an increase in the minimum wage, real
quality of pay for men and women, an increase in housing benefits and financial
help for students. The demand for an end to special pension schemes (such as
the one railway workers are trying to defend) is there, but this is followed by
the demand for the same method of calculation for all pensions, all of which
should be higher. They call for the inclusion of disabled people in all aspects
of social life and for an access to culture for all.
The
demands of the gilets jaunes
One of
the most important parts of the list of demands handed to the government was
about the organisation of government. They call for a reduction of the wages
paid to members of the government, for the abolition of privileges such as the
payment for stipends to ministers even when they are no longer in office, for
an end to fake jobs created for friends and relatives, and insist on the strict
control of the personal expenses for politicians. They also demand that members
of parliament actually attend parliamentary sessions.
Further
demands include the convocation of a citizens’ assembly, more frequent
consultation of the people by referendum, the abolition of the Senate, and the
promulgation of laws by the people. Significantly, there are demands for the
protection of the environment, giving the lie to the propaganda of the
government claiming that the revolt is against ecological concerns.
It is
true that one of the lists of demands published in the press says that refugees
who have been denied asylum should be sent back to the country they came from,
and that other ideas put forward are of a racist and nationalistic character.
But overall, it is clear that this general
platform, notwithstanding some
isolated demands that socialists would oppose, has nothing to do with ‘fascism’
and does not represent a reactionary movement.
Macron
was elected by default. The electoral base of his own party was something like
25% of active voters. He only won because the second round of the presidential
election was a choice between him and Marine Le Pen. Since that time, what
little support there was for his policies has largely collapsed.
Macron
has attacked workers’ rights and pensions
Macron
puts himself forward as the man who will balk at nothing in pushing through his
program of counter-reforms in the interests of big business. He rode roughshod
over the national leaders of the trade union organisations. Nothing was to be
negotiated. He would only consult with them, to tell them what was going
to be done to reduce workers’ rights. He attacked railway workers’ conditions,
cut pensions, reduce taxes for the rich and – as the petrol tax shows –
increase the tax burden on the poor. Hospitals and schools and local
authorities are starved of resources. More than 5 million are out of work. His
arrogance and brazen contempt for the ordinary people has been amply
demonstrated on many occasions, such as when he told a young unemployed man
that he only had to ‘cross the street’ to find a job if he really wanted one.
The
attempt to justify the fuel tax increases on ecological grounds is completely
spurious. The idea is that if petrol is more expensive, more people will leave
their car at home and take public transport. But in many areas, no regular or
reliable public transport is available. People have no alternative to cars.
Also, many formally self-employed workers use their vehicles as part of their
work.
The gilets jaunes took Macron and his
government completely by surprise. His ministers have branded the movement as
the work of the extreme-right. But this is a ploy intended to drive a wedge
between the left and militant unions such as the CGT (trade union federation),
on the one hand, and the demonstrators on the other.
It is
possible that the government could capitulate and withdraw the tax (since this writing Macron has capitulated
and withdrawn the fuel tax.) . But a great
deal is at stake for them. Backing down would encourage large-scale protest
movements on other issues. So far, Macron is trying to weather the storm in the
hope that it will blow over before too long. He also hopes the violent
behaviour of some elements among the gilets
jaunes, but mainly of organised groups outside of the movement, will erode
popular support. One of the difficulties he has is that this movement has no
recognised leaders. The individuals who have been invited to discuss with the
government have all emphasised the fact that they have no mandate and no
authority to speak or decide anything on behalf of the movement as a whole.
Unbearable
social consequences of capitalism
Whatever
the outcome of the present struggle, the events of these last few weeks are a symptom of
the unbearable social and economic consequences of modern capitalism, which can
only continue at the expense of the living standards, the rights and prospects
of a growing proportion of society, and by the steady erosion and destruction
of the social conquests of organised labour. This cannot go on forever without
provoking a major social upheaval at some point, on a much greater scale than
we are seeing at the present time.
All
over Europe, the social consequences of austerity are driving millions of
people towards nationalist and reactionary demagogues. This has also been the
case in France. Workers have seen right and left governments come and go,
applying policies that are very similar on all fundamental questions, and
presiding over a general decline in the living conditions of the mass of the
people.
They have
also seen that trade-unionism, while it may have weakened the impact of some of
the blows directed against them, has not prevented those blows and has
delivered no blows in return. Workers are desperate and impatient for change
and for concrete results. This explains the insurrectionary mood of many on
the barricades and the demonstrations of these last few weeks. The workers’
movement must find a way to channel and organise this yearning for change,
otherwise the nationalists will make considerable gains in the future.
Communist
Party seriously weakened
The
nationalist right-wing is taking advantage of the political and organisational
weaknesses of the workers’ organisations, which are hampered by a narrow
reformist outlook. Changes in the Communist Party (PCF) spearheaded by the
party leadership in the 1990s, led to a dilution of the party program and
acceptance of pro-capitalist policies, to the point of approving and even
directly organising a number of major privatisations under the Jospin government
of 1997-2002. This seriously weakened the position of the Party within the most
conscious and militant section of the working class and, by extension, within
the class as a whole.
Now, at
last, there is pressure within the ranks of the PCF to move back in the
direction of presenting an alternative to capitalism. But the weakened
organisational base of the Party – with just 50,000 paid up members – has
become a major obstacle to be overcome before the PCF can appear as a strong
and effective militant organisation in the eyes of the mass of the working
people.
It
cannot be ruled out that Mélenchon at the head of La France Insoumise could win the next presidential election. It is
too early to say and the situation in the country is too volatile, to speculate
about what will happen three years from now. Even if Mélenchon did win, he
would rapidly abandon the most progressive elements of his program, which
further underlines the imperative need for an alternative political force to
the left of La France Insoumise. In
spite of all the difficulties – and there are many – no other organised forces
in French society are better placed to fulfill this role than the PCF and the
CGT.
Greg
Oxley is a member of the PCF and is the editor of the French Marxist paper and
website, La Riposte. The article is also published on the Left Horizons website UK
Postscript: Since this article was posted, the government of
Macron has indeed folded as the article suggested he might. This is the first
time in his 18-month presidency that Macron has backed down in the face of
opposition to any of his policies and it is not unconnected to the fact that
his personal poll ratings are at a record low of only 26 per cent. Macron and
his Prime Minister, Edouard Philippe, have postponed the fuel tax increases,
but only for six months, no doubt in an attempt to defuse the movement of the gilets
jaunes and to buy time to prepare for protests at a later date.
Whether the climbdown is enough to stop the protests
remains to be seen. According to the French think-tank, Institut des Politiques Publiques, tax and benefit changes by
Philippe/Macron will leave the bottom fifth of the population worse off, with
huge gains for the top 1 per cent.
A prominent member of the gilets jaunes, told the Financial Times, “The French want more than crumbs. They
want the whole baguette”. (December 5)
Another analyst, Nicolas Bouzou, thought that the
Macron climb-down would not be enough. “We have a real problem with living
standards”, he said, “and there is real hatred for political elites and
authorities. The fuel tax increases were nothing more than a trigger.” John Pickard, editor, Left Horizons UK
