This article is reprinted from JSTOR Daily
A Fourth of July picnic, possibly in South Carolina, 1874, by J. A. Palmer via Wikimedia Commons
By: Livia Gershon
July 3, 2020
Like all symbols of American patriotism, the Fourth of July
has meant different things in different times and places. In Memphis in the
first decades after the Civil War, Brian D. Page writes, it was a distinctly Black holiday.
Page begins his story in June of 1862, when U.S. forces took
and occupied Memphis. Soon, many formerly enslaved Black people streamed into
the city. Its Black population rose from 3,882 in 1860 to 15,525 in 1870. The
Army garrisoned Black soldiers in the city, to the consternation of many white
residents. The Memphis Daily Avalanche warned in 1866 that the
stationing of Black soldiers “corrupts the whole Negro population of the South;
it puts before their eyes a picture of their race, which raises their
expectations above all reason and discontents them with the plain tasks of
labor."
Many white Memphis residents associated the Fourth of July
with the Confederacy’s defeat and the Black soldiers there. In 1869, one local
paper reported that the holiday was celebrated “only by our Germans and our colored citizens.”
July 4 parades featured bands, contingents from the mutual
aid societies, and military groups such as the M’Clellan guards.
For Black Americans, the holiday also meant something new.
In 1852, Frederick Douglass had given his famous speech contrasting the promise of
Independence Day with the reality of enslavement. Now, with freedom, it seemed
like Black people might gain the full rights promised by the Declaration of
Independence.
Page writes that the city’s first Black Fourth of July
celebration occurred in 1866, just two months after the Memphis massacre in
which white mobs killed forty-six African Americans. Each year, mutual aid
groups like the Sons of Ham and the Daughters of Zion organized events
featuring longstanding Black American traditions like barbecue and late-night
dancing. They drew thousands of participants from the city and the surrounding
area.
July 4 parades featured bands, contingents from the mutual
aid societies—each with its own flags, banners, and regalia—and military groups
such as the M’Clellan guards. In some cases, women marched in a separate
procession from men, or rode in carriages.
Most parades went outside Black neighborhoods, claiming
participants’ equal rights to the city center. At least one, in 1878, featured
the M’Clellan guards engaging in a competitive military drill. Meanwhile,
at Independence Day picnics, speakers urged African Americans to contribute to
the building of churches and schools and asserted their equal claim to the
rights promised by the Declaration of independence.
The political climate changed in the 1870s as the federal
government abandoned Reconstruction and local Memphis elites led a successful
movement to dissolve the city charter, reducing the power of Black voters. By
the 1890s, white southerners were again embracing the Fourth of July. But, Page
writes, to Black Memphis residents, it “once again became a far off promise of
equality as the words of the Declaration of Independence were voiced, but
proved to have little meaning, in the Jim Crow South.”
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