This is a little long but an interesting read and historically useful. One point to recognize which marks the similarity wherever the capitalist mode of production is introduced is the driving of the people from the common lands. In this instance the indigenous inhabitants of Mexico (and all of the Americas of course) and in Britain, the enclosures and the removal of the peasantry from the commons, in both instances privatizing the land. RM
The clash over natural resources in originary territories.
State Schemes and Silent Spills
by taller ahuehuete
✎ 18 minutes
A Tale of Xayacates
Ominous violence bubbles in the sun-soaked region of southern Michoacán, marked not by conventional warfare but by a hazy orchestration of disappearances, strategic cruelty, and natural resource exploitation. The ongoing battle in Santa María Ostula cannot be disentangled from its economic underpinnings. The contestation over land, spurred by interests in resource extraction, birthed a fertile ground for state actors and narco-operations alike to harness the bounteous raw materials that lie beneath and envelop the ancestral settlements.
On June 29, 2009
the inhabitants of Ostula embarked upon an odyssey to reclaim more than 1,250 hectares against agents from diverse strata. This mosaic included members of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), mestizo landholders from neighboring regions, and operatives affiliated with the Caballeros Templarios cartel.“The resistance of the Nahua people of Santa María Ostula, in Michoacán, is as ancient as their history. In 2009, a new stage of their struggle resounded throughout Mexico: together with the Wixárika, Purhépecha, Binnizá, Hñahñuu, Coca, Tzeltal, Ñuu Savi, and Rarámuri peoples, they released the Ostula Manifesto, an assertion of their determination to continue exercising their historic mode of autonomy and self-determination
” stated the National Coordination Committee «Stop the war against the Zapatista communities», (Espacio de Coordinación Nacional Alto a la Guerra Contra los Pueblos Zapatistas) in a recent communiqué. "A few weeks after releasing the document, thousands of Ostula community members set about the task of recovering hundreds of hectares of land held by caciques and small landowners. The territories recovered by the Nahua of Santa María Ostula — now called Xayakalan —are coveted by tourism, mining, informal drug-trafficking industries, and timber companies. In addition, Ostula is in a strategic area — between Manzanillo and Lázaro Cárdenas, the two most important ports in Mexico," they added.Ostula is an intriguing land of xayacates, as noted by Heriberto Paredes' keen eye. "The xayacates were the ones who first entered the area while dancing when the community of Ostula reclaimed the lands. Behind them, the population positioned itself in the faces of those who dared to challenge the status quo," Heriberto remarked.
The xayacates epitomize a folkloric element, particularly within the Nahua cultural sphere, signifying the embodiment of communal spirit intertwined with acts of insurrection against overbearing dominion, spanning from colonial authorities and post-colonial elites to the contemporary agents of capital. The term xayacatl is derived from the Nahuatl language, where "xayatl" means "rags" or "tattered clothing." The name alludes to their worn-out appearance, makeshift masks, and patched attire crafted from shmattes or tree bark and adorned with fruits. The performances, a resolute renunciation of European mores and sartorial norms, stand as an assertion of heritage safeguarding against colonial subjugation and coerced assimilation. Baskets brimming with produce emphasize the xayacates' umbilical bond with the earth, and their determination to retain control over their resources, even amidst the rapacious designs of the elite forces
Initially, this performance portrayed the historical confrontation between the Christian order and the insurrections spearheaded by Muslim enclaves in al-Andalus, a narrative transplanted to the Mexican soil by the colonizers of Spanish origin. This portrayal of a conflict, enmeshed within the broader European chronicle, ostensibly aimed to reinforce the cultural and spiritual hegemony of the occupiers. With the passage of time, however, this tradition underwent a syncretic metamorphosis, organically assimilating elements of the local Nahua ethos, history and cultural consciousness
Exile
Throughout history, the battle for territorial control has consistently mirrored a multiplicity of socioeconomic dynamics, and the wresting away of grounds from the immediate producers perennially stood as a locus of power. Within Mexico's complex territorial clashes, the legacy of the hacienda system assumes a key role. The pivotal juncture likely arrived with the conferral of the title Marquis of the Valley of Oaxaca upon Hernán Cortés by the Spanish monarchy in 1529, foreshadowing the forceful allocation of vast tracts to Spanish invaders, frequently comprising conquistadors and favored elites. The outcome was the emergence of vast estates that metamorphosed into influential epicenters of economic and social authority, presiding over extensive labor forces.
Progressing into the 19th century, attempts at land reform were ostensibly aimed at dismantling entrenched economic disparities with limited efficacy. The epoch known as Porfiriato, spanning from 1876 to 1911, permitted the entrenchment of land ownership among an opulent cadre, intensifying the concentration of property within a select few hands.
Porfirio Díaz's rule, marked by its allure to foreign investment and its enticement of international conglomerates to commandeer the territory’s natural assets, infrastructure, and industrial mechanisms, endorsed the invasion of foreign and domestic corporate entities onto the traditional terrain of originary societies. Among the tenets of the Porfiriato regime was the liberalization of ground tenure, precipitating the privatization of communal lands. This sharp shift dismantled traditional approaches to collective ownership that once underpinned sustenance agriculture, rendering it untenable within the precincts of these ancestral lands.
The Porfiriato marked a turning point in the trajectory of resource exploitation. Modernization initiatives of the late 19th and early 20th centuries not only facilitated the concentration, but also fortified the nationalistic narrative of a cohesive and centralized country, aligning with the illusory assurances of progress and civilization. This historical backdrop laid the groundwork for the processes of marginalization and dispossession that resonate within the contours of contemporary ‘Mexico’.
Endless Expropriation
At the heart of the prevailing conflict lies a convoluted intersection: the pursuit for mastery over natural resources, most notably of the nowadays treasured commodity — water. An exposition of this struggle is the case of Juan C. Bonilla, Puebla, where the depletion of aquifers intrinsic to originary communities constitutes a manifestation of ecological degradation in the Global South.
"Since the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement, the State granted impunity to large companies, thus allowing them to do whatever they wish with Mexico's water resources. The liquid is available though exclusively plastic-packaged and for sale. Three transnationals control 80 percent of this market in our country: Coca-Cola (Ciel), Danone (Bonafont), and PepsiCo (E-Pura)," explained Luis Hernández Navarro. "With an unquenchable thirst for profit, Bonafont — part of the Danone consortium — extracts 1,640,000 liters of water per day, the equivalent consumption for a town of 18,000 inhabitants
In a parallel vein, the canals of Xochimilco have borne the weight of pollution and relentless exploitation, jeopardizing the local ecosystem and the sustenance of the nearby populace. These adversities have, in turn, spurred escalating conflicts marred by violent reprisals by state actors, cartels, and paramilitary groups. In this vortex, grassroots movements that fervently advocate for the twin causes of water access and the preservation of ancestral fields have become frequent targets, entangled in a perilous web of forced disappearances and fatalities against land defenders.
Regrettably, this also disturbs the possibilities of survival for the enigmatic axolotl. This singular amphibian species, uniquely endemic to the Valley of Mexico, presently clings to a tenuous existence within the confines of a scant network of canals nestled within the expanse of Xochimilco Lake. The axolotl possesses an astonishing ability to regenerate not only its tail, limbs, spinal cord, and brain but also embraces the transplantation of foreign organs with remarkable efficacy, a rare trait in the realm of vertebrates. It is conceivable that the exploration of the axolotl genome could serve as a treasure trove of genetic insights, potentially unlocking avenues for tissue regeneration in humans.
As the calendar marks a year since a group of women from Xochimilco registered a formal complaint with the Human Rights Commission of Mexico City (CDHCDMX) regarding the establishment of a National Guard barracks in the village of San Luis Tlaxialtemalco, a weighty narrative unfolds. This barrack, situated atop wetlands, has dealt a profound blow to the environmental integrity of Xochimilco, a fact emphasized by the conspicuous silence of the CDHCDMX, which remains reticent to accept these grievances, citing the purported need for further evidence corroborating the infringement.
The determined opposition of Xochimilco's women to the establishment of barracks and the encroachment of the National Guard onto their territorial domain finds its roots in two pivotal factors of profound significance. Foremost among these is the unequivocal ecological toll that stems from these developments. Equally potent is the second pillar of resistance, rooted in the pervasive strategy of militarization employed by the State, not only within the bounds of Mexico City but also across diverse corners of the nation-state. The construction of barracks casts a disquieting shadow upon the region's irreplaceable biodiversity. The ramifications of this juxtaposition, where the guardians of the State force an intersection with the guardians of nature, are both alarming and perturbing.
The second anchor of resistance—one intrinsically linked to broader militarization strategies—inscribes this struggle within the contours of a national narrative. Data stemming from the National Registry of Disappeared and Non-Located Persons (RNPDNO) unearths a disconcerting trajectory. A baseline of 21 recorded disappearances in 2019 has burgeoned into an escalating crisis. Emblematic of the plight that has gripped the nation, 2022 stood out as a year of unprecedented turmoil within Xochimilco since 1998. A stark realization emerged — the faces of the missing bear the unmistakable visage of the women who form the nucleus of this resistance.
Diving deeper into the numbers that define this distressing account, a poignant revelation underscores the gendered dimensions of this crisis. A striking 32 percent of the aggregate 204 missing persons, chronicled until the dawn of 2023, are women. The majority are within the age bracket of 15 to 19. This statistic punctuates the discourse surrounding this resistance, highlighting the ingrained gendered repercussions of militarization
State of Disgrace
In the richly woven fabric of Mexico's economic panorama, the industrial sector boasts a narrative steeped in the annals of state intervention. Petróleos Mexicanos (Pemex), established in 1938, epitomized the State's aspiration for energy control and economic growth. Tasked with exploiting the vast hydrocarbon reserves, Pemex became a symbol of national pride for some. However, this focus on hydrocarbon development came at a cost, as environmental concerns often took a backseat. Unfettered expansion within the oil industry correspondingly facilitated the ingress of multinational enterprises into the heart of indigenous territories, thereby agitating the cauldron of resource-driven disputes.
A recent announcement by the Mexican Hydrocarbons Commission (CNH) regarding an investment hike for Pemex's Ek-Balam field in Campeche Bay amounting to approximately US$440 million aims to recover losses incurred due to recent incidents, including a duct leak and fire, which disrupted production and demonstrated once again the environmental disregard of the hydrocarbon sector.
During a deliberation convened by the CNH, the Ek-Balam project spanning the years 2023 to 2039 underwent a recalibration, wherein an initial budget of $669 million expanded to $1.1 billion. Roughly half of this will be allocated towards specific activities, including drilling new wells (referred to as "spudding"), discontinuing or closing existing wells ("terminations"), constructing seven pipelines, executing ten major repairs, and addressing 508 minor repairs.
The objective of this investment is to facilitate Pemex in attaining a production target of 230 million barrels of oil and 55 million cubic feet of gas. This plan is considered the country's most significant and costliest contract in the hydrocarbon sector. David Alberto Paredes, a representative from CNH's technical extraction and supervision unit, shared that Pemex's primary aim is to recover 3.9 million barrels of oil and 3.4 million cubic feet of gas between August and December. This strategy comes in response to the duct leak and fire that transpired at the beginning of July.
Noteworthy is the rejoinder of Pemex's CEO, Octavio Romero Oropeza, who contests assertions alluding to an oil spill from the Ek-Balam field that precipitated environmental contamination spanning an expanse of 400 square kilometers, imperiling the coastlines of both Tabasco and Campeche states. According to Oropeza, the mishap stemmed from a slender 7-centimeter fracture in one of the field's conduits extending 24 kilometers in length, and the remediation efforts were concluded within an 18-day span, leading to a diminution of 76 barrels per day in production. However, these reparative exertions encountered impediments as attention pivoted to the neighboring Cantarell field, where a blaze engulfed the Nohoch platform on July 8th, inflicting two fatalities and rendering another individual unaccounted for. This catastrophe subsequently coerced Pemex to suspend post-production within the contractual zone, thus casting a shadow over the cumulative output for the year.
The investment increase raises questions about the allocation of resources vis-à-vis the well-being of originary communities and local residents. López Obrador's response downplayed the severity of the fire and the spill. By portraying the incidents as "small" or "isolated," the president sought to maintain confidence in his administration's ability to manage its multiple crises.
Nevertheless, the oil spill that transpired early in July 2023 within the Gulf of Mexico echoes the dire prognostications of specialists, advocacy organizations, and environmental authorities in the state of Campeche. The alarm was initially raised not through an official proclamation by Mexican authorities but through a community alert. Satellite imagery subsequently unveiled that the spill encompassed an expansive canvas spanning at least 467 square kilometers of the Gulf's expanse. Pemex, however, has sought to attenuate the scale of the leak.
Of particular significance is the revelation that the oil spill was initially disclosed via community networks rather than official channels of communication from Mexican governmental entities. According to information initially disseminated by Pemex, the spill's inception transpired sometime between July 3rd and 4th, and its containment was achieved by the 22nd of the same month. However, corroborative evidence advanced by experts affiliated with the Institute of Geography and the National Laboratory for Earth Observation at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) substantiates the claims tendered by advocacy organizations. Radar-based imagery attested that the oil spill had pervaded an expansive tract measuring 467 square kilometers by July 12th. The trajectory of the oil slick traced a course characterized by an east-northeasterly vector, ultimately traversing the Gulf's embayments along the coasts of Veracruz, Tamaulipas, and even extending to the United States.
The Gulf of Mexico, a semi-enclosed sea, holds a diverse range of habitats and ecosystems, including estuaries, soft bottoms in shallow waters, rocky substrates, coral communities, and a vast expanse of deep sea that supports a wide array of species. Despite its natural significance, the region accounts for 56% of Mexico's oil extraction, deemed far more relevant by the 4T.
Ostula
Pioneering a path akin to the Cherán community, Ostula embarked on a transformative journey towards self-governance, repudiating the influence of mainstream political parties. Embracing a communal form of governance, Ostula's populace sought to counteract the encroachment of drug trafficking and capitalist plunder.
Nevertheless, Santa María Ostula finds itself at the epicenter of a complex struggle involving state institutions and informal narco-industries, with dire consequences for their autonomy and livelihood. It becomes clear these struggles are intertwined with historical, economic, and social factors that have shaped Mexico's indigenous populations and their relationship with the state
The callous abduction and murder of Lorenzo Froylán de la Cruz, a dedicated community guardian, at the hands of the Cártel Jalisco Nueva Generación (CJNG) cast a somber shadow over Ostula. While the community laid de la Cruz to rest, news of a judicial decree, spearheaded by Magistrate Jesús Antonio Frías Cardona, arrived, signaling the attempted dispossession of 700 hectares from the Encargatura de Xayakalan. This synchronicity stressed the nexus between cartel intimidation and legal maneuvering that indigenous communities like Ostula grapple with, demanding their simultaneous engagement on multiple fronts.
In any case, the rapid mobilization and unwavering resilience demonstrated by Ostula's inhabitants, even in the throes of grief, mirrors the broader currents of communal fortitude. Ostula's alliance with the National Indigenous Congress (CNI) and the Zapatista National Liberation Army punctuates the commitment shared by autonomous movements from the Global South in uniting disparate communities under the shared banner of self-determination. And the fruits of such dedication.
In solidarity, we have translated the most recent communiqué into English.
Urgent call for solidarity with the people of Santa María Ostula
August 17, 2023
To the peoples of Mexico and the world,
The resistance of the Nahua people of Santa María Ostula, in Michoacán, is as long as their history. In 2009, a new stage of their struggle resounded throughout Mexico: together with the Wixárika, Purhépecha, Binnizá, Hñahñuu, Coca, Tzeltal, Ñuu Savi, and Rarámuri peoples, they released the Ostula Manifesto, in which they reiterated their determination to continue exercising their historic mode of autonomy and self-determination.
A few weeks after releasing the document, thousands of Ostula community members set about the task of recovering hundreds of hectares of land held by caciques and small landowners. The territories recovered by the Nahua of Santa María Ostula, now called Xayakalan, are coveted by tourism, mining, informal drug-trafficking industries, and timber companies. In addition, Ostula is in a strategic area — between Manzanillo and Lázaro Cárdenas, the two most important ports in Mexico.
In a short period of time, the town of Santa María Ostula became a focal point of autonomy and self-management. The lands and beaches remained communal property for the Nahua people of Ostula, while hibiscus and papaya fields were planted and the care of the turtles that arrive at the beaches to lay their eggs was strengthened. Tourism projects were encouraged, but decided and administered in a collective manner.
At the same time, the communal guard was in charge of providing peace, tranquility, security, and justice for the inhabitants of the region. But the warlords and money lords were not willing to tolerate such an act of rebellious dignity from the people of Ostula. To eliminate and displace the Nahua groups from the coast of Michoacán, the ruling powers established a true state of terror, relying on paramilitaries, gangs, informal drug-traffickers, local governments, and police, as well as the army and navy. As an example of the brutality, 36 community members of Santa María Ostula, among them several community authorities and members of the communal guard, have been assassinated and another 5 have disappeared.
Today, the war waged by the Mexican State and informal industries against the community, its territories, and its autonomy has not only not diminished, it has grown brutally in recent days. Along with the violent execution of our brother and compañero LORENZO FROYLAN DE LA CRUZ RÍOS, whose lifeless body was found last August 10 and who a few days earlier had been lifted by a commando of the Jalisco Cartel - New Generation (CJNG), we were surprisingly notified on Friday, August 11, of an agreement that the magistrate of the Unitary Agrarian Tribunal of District 38, based in the city of Colima, JESÚS ANTONIO FRÍAS CARDONA, issued since June of this year via the agrarian lawsuit number 78/2004, to execute a sentence to demarcate our communal lands corresponding to the Encargatura de Xayakalan in favor of supposed small owners of La Placita.
As if this were not enough, in the media, the governor of Michoacán, Alfredo Ramírez Bedolla, of the Morena party, openly threatens to evict the people in resistance. By legal and illegal means, the powers in Michoacán are intensifying the war against the Nahua people of Santa María Ostula and their legitimate claim to autonomy.
It should also be noted that currently, in the state of Michoacán, the resurgence of mafia corporations has provoked the intensification of brutality, and instead of addressing these emergencies, the State has decided to attack those who protect nature and the environment.
Unfortunately, the Nahua people of Santa María Ostula in Michoacán are not the only ones experiencing the intensification of war and dispossession. In Guerrero, the peoples of the Indigenous and Popular Council of Guerrero - Emiliano Zapata are resisting the attacks unleashed against them by thuggish corporations. In Oaxaca, the peoples of the Union of Indigenous Communities of the Northern Zone of the Isthmus (Ucizoni) who oppose the Inter-Oceanic Corridor of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, denounce the increase in police harassment against land defenders.
Faced with this situation, those of us who make up the National Coordination Space Stop the War Against the Zapatista Peoples: If they harm one of us, they harm us all, and together with other sympathetic communities and organizations, we urge you to be vigilant in the face of a possible escalation of violence against the peoples of Ostula or against other peoples who defend their territory.
We call to make public expressions of solidarity and to denounce the government of Michoacán and the Mexican State in the face of this policy of war against the original peoples who defend the territory. We call on the people of good heart, not to leave alone the people who fight for life.
JUSTICE FOR LORENZO FROYLAN DE LA CRUZ RIOS!
STOP THE WAR AGAINST THE PEOPLE WHO FIGHT FOR LIFE!
National Coordination Space: Stop the war against the Zapatista peoples.
If they harm one, they harm all of us
!August 16, 2023.
Translated by taller ahuehuete in solidarity.
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