by Michael Roberts
As President Obama announced the final phased withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan, I was reading The Second World War, a Marxist history by Chris Bambery It is a very succinct account of the war, showing
that it was a continuation of the cynical and intense rivalry between
imperialist powers that had culminated in the 1914-18. That useless and
violent Great War did not resolve who would be top dog among the
imperialist powers. That required another terrible war before American
imperialism became the hegemonic power. But the second world war was
different from the first in that it was also a fight by working people
to defeat the rise of fascism and dictatorships that destroyed all
independent class action with genocide, racism and permanent
militarism. Bambery’s book reminds us of just how many millions upon
millions of all races, nationalities and creeds perished under jackboot
of dictatorship as well as during a war for markets and global power.
But wars are not only a terrible product of capitalist rivalry, they
are often necessary for capitalism to recover from the depths of
recurrent recessions and depressions. Outdated and loss-making capital
is destroyed; governments and the taxpayer come in to revive industry’s
profits through building war machines and labour accepts worse
conditions, longer hours and rationing for the ‘war effort’. It took
the second world war to enable profitability to be restored in the US
after the Great Depression. The New Deal failed to do so.
So wars can be beneficial to capitalism when it is on is knees. But
wars are also expensive and are waste of resources (labour and capital)
that could have been applied to productive investment that creates more
value and surplus value. The strategists of capital in the White House,
Downing Street, the Elysee and the Kremlin may reckon that going to war
is sometimes necessary to preserve markets and future profits and
power. But wars come at a financial cost, especially ‘small wars’ that
the major capitalist economies have conducted at various intervals since
1945 under Pax Americana and the New World Order with the collapse of
Soviet Union after 1989.
The financial cost of these small wars of 21st century so far
(Afghanistan and Iraq) continues to mount. The cost to the US economy
is now put at $6trn, which I estimate is a deduction of about 0.3% of
national output every year since 2001 and 1.5% points off annual
‘productive’ business investment
We also have a new report on the cost to the UK economy of Britain’s
support to the ‘coalition of the willing’ in Iraq and Afghanistan. Wars_in_Peace_Foreword_and_Intro
is a semi-official study produced by the Institute of Strategic
Studies, the research front for British intelligence. According the
report, so far, it has cost £40bn, equivalent to the sort of cuts in the
social welfare budget that the current government has imposed on the
poorest Britons. It is enough to recruit over 5,000 nurses and pay for
them throughout their careers. It could have funded free tuition for all
students in British higher education for 10 years. It’s a sum
equivalent to more than £2,000 for every taxpaying household.
These are the examples used in another study by Frank Ledwidge, Investment in Blood,
published this week by Yale University Press. Ledwidge was a civilian
adviser to the British government in Iraq, Libya and Afghanistan,,
According to Ledwidge, since 2006, on a conservative estimate, it has
cost £15m a day to maintain Britain’s military presence in Helmand
province, Afghanistan. The equivalent of £25,000 will have been spent
for every one of Helmand’s 1.5 million inhabitants, more than most of
them will earn in a lifetime.
Ledwidge estimates British troops in Helmand have killed at least 500
non-combatants. About half of these have been officially admitted and
Britain has paid compensation to the victims’ families. The rest are
based on estimates from UN and NGO reports, and “collateral damage” from
air strikes and gun battles. Ledwidge includes the human and financial
cost of long-term care for more than 2,600 British troops wounded in the
conflict and for more than 5,000 he calls “psychologically injured”.
Around 444 British soldiers have been killed in the Afghan conflict,
according to the latest official MoD figures.
And it has been all for nothing. Ledwidge says Helmand is no more
‘stable’ now than when thousands of British troops were deployed there
in 2006. Opium production that fell under the Taliban, is increasing,
fuelling corruption and the coffers of warlords. Though British and
other foreign troops were sent to Afghanistan to stop al-Qaida posing a
threat to Britain’s national security, “of all the thousands of
civilians and combatants, not a single al-Qaida operative or
‘international terrorist’ who could conceivably have threatened the UK
is recorded as having been killed by Nato forces in Helmand,” Ledwidge
writes.
The real beneficiaries of the war, he suggests, are development
consultants, Afghan drug lords and international arms companies. Much of
British aid to Afghanistan is spent on consultancy fees rather than to
those Afghans who need it most. The real reason Britain has expended so
much blood and money on Afghanistan is simple: “The perceived necessity
of retaining the closest possible links with the US.”
ADDENDUM:
As the fest of criticism and counter-criticism of Thomas Piketty’s
book continues in the economics media and elsewhere, just a note to say
that I have written a new review of his book for Weekly Worker (http://weeklyworker.co.uk) that should be published in the next week or so.
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