COSATU
strikes in South Africa
by Martin Legassick
On March 7th
the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) called a successful general
strike in South Africa in protest against the refusal of the African National
Congress (ANC government) to ban labour brokers and against the attempts to
introduce new toll roads in Gauteng.
Hundreds of
thousands in total (even many school students) marched in 32 towns and cities
around the country: 150,000 in Johannesburg and some 20,000 in Cape Town, where
I joined the march. In Joburg the march extended for six city blocks; in Cape
Town for two. The march in Johannesburg was reportedly the largest since the
1980s. Once again it was inspiring to march with so many other ordinary people,
singing, dancing, toyi-toying. The workers united will never be defeated, I
thought. This army, fully mobilized nation-wide, would make the bosses system
look like a house on chicken legs.
Labour
brokers are pernicious middle-men peddling near-slave labour. In conditions of
up to 40% unemployment in the country they contract “casual” workers to big
companies at low wages and with no benefits -- and steal 25% of their wages.
The revulsion against them, and against tolling, is because the ANC government
has succumbed to big business and its aims of casualization of labour and
privatization. Although the ANC’s conference of 2007 passed a resolution
against labour-brokers and the matter is currently being considered by a
national tri-partite negotiating forum (Nedlac), there is growing mistrust
among workers about promises made by the ANC leadership.
In words at
least, COSATU stands for the nationalization of monopolies and the banks,
though it has not emphasized the need for workers’ control and management of
nationalized concerns. At the Joburg march COSATU general secretary Vavi spoke
of “racial apartheid” being replaced by “economic apartheid”.
The huge
support for the strike (it was supported, for example by other trade unions and
trade union federations in the country) and the big turnout on the marches,
however, indicated more than a desire to end labour-broking and toll roads. It
was a sign of the anger of the working class at the continued neo-liberalism of
the former liberation movement the ANC in government, which has brought
increasing inequality in the country, in the midst of massive unemployment and
deep poverty of the mass of the people. Many children in South Africa go to bed
hungry. The ANC is riddled with corruption and cronyism, with “tenderpreneurs”
enriching themselves through contracts with the government. It is riddled with
factions, vying for position before the ANC’s conference in December which will
decide whether Zuma continues as president.
The recent
expulsion of ANC Youth League president Julius Malema from the ANC for bringing
the organization into disrepute was one more blow in the ANC’s factional war.
Malema claims to be a friend of the poor but is in no way left-wing: he is
himself enmeshed in tenderpreneurialism and is under investigation by the state
for it. However his populist rhetoric has also acted as a lightning rod for
some of the grievances of large sections of young blacks, who are mostly unemployed
and poorly educated, and have been marginalized and excluded from the
mainstream of the new South Africa. Now Malema’s expulsion makes him a symbol
of opposition to the dominant ANC elite. While in general workers have been
indifferent to him, he raised huge cheers of “Ju Ju” when he appeared on the
platform at the Gauteng COSATU march. At the same time workers in his home
province Limpopo refused a platform to a “friend of Malema”.
But neither
Malema’s rhetoric nor a one-day strike will be sufficient to end the
labour-broking system. COSATU has hinted at a second one-day strike if
government does not respond adequately within seven days. But within days the
government has declared it will not be swayed by the protest. COSATU needs to
organize a concerted ongoing campaign which it is hampered from doing because,
despite its differences with the ANC, it is enmeshed in the Tripartite Alliance
with the (increasingly moribund and pro-government) SA Communist Party
leadership and the ANC. To become effective, COSATU needs to break with this
Alliance and mobilise a mass workers’ party.
This is what the Democratic Left
Front (to which I belong), a united front of trade unions, issue- and
community-based organisations and political tendencies, including former SACP members,
is calling for. In the present struggle, though it is still a very small force,
it argued that it was not
enough to call for the banning of labour brokers as if that would reverse the
capitalist exploitation of workers in the workplace. Workers and communities must
turn the tables and sustain the offensive launched by the successful strike. It
called on
workers employed by labour brokers and affected working class communities to
occupy, take over, run and produce their firms, and called on COSATU to support
this. These firms should be run as worker-owned and worker-controlled cooperative
enterprises that create jobs, pay a living wage and provide decent working
conditions. This, the DLF maintained, was not a pipe-dream as the former
workers of the Mineline factory (to the west of Johannesburg) had attempted
such a takeover from August last year with DLF support.
South Africa is characterized by the highest level of
political protest in the world – some 16 demonstrations a day in townships
around the country. Now the organized workers have shown their power in a
hugely successful general strike. But all this has not coalesced into a
movement like the Arab spring – partly because of the democratic features of
the constitution. What is needed is for COSATU to mobilise the organized
workers to stand at the head of a huge movement of the poor and oppressed,
young and old, women and men, in town and countryside, to replace the present
system with a system of workers’ democracy with a plan of production that can
satisfy the needs of all working people.
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