NORTHERN EUROPE
by Stephen Morgan
by Stephen Morgan
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| Results of German Elections 2014 |
63) There are both similarities and
differences between both the left groupings in Northern and Southern Europe and
between the northern left groups themselves.
64) Despite achieving 10%-15% of
the vote, the northern lefts have not had the same national or international
impact, which SYRIZA and Podemos have had. They have not shaken the
Establishment as much as the left has in the south. The exception to this is
Britain, where the election of the left-winger, Jeremy Corbyn to the leader of
the Labour Party has sent shock waves through the British political system and
the capitalist class.
65) The first obvious difference
between the Left movements in France and Germany and those in the south, is the
role the Communist parties have played. In the south, the CPs have remained
aloof from the new left formations, created their own coalitions and even stood
candidates against the new left. However, the CPs in Germany and France have
instead played a central role in bringing the left together into a major
alliance. Another major difference is that in both France and Germany,
dissident left-wing split-offs from the traditional workers' parties have also
played a prominent role in the development of these left coalitions.
Germany
66) The previous division of
Germany into the capitalist West and the Stalinist East has given a peculiar
twist to the development of the Left there. The Stalinist Communist Party which
was previously in power in East Germany, has been able to maintain an important
foothold in German politics after
reunification and capitalist restoration. Initially, it even continued
to be led by former leading members of the Stalinist bureaucracy, such as Gregor Gysi, a former high-ranking bureaucrat
in the governing Communist party. It, then, changed its name to "Party of
Democratic Socialism" (PDS), in order to try to improve its image,.
67) Although the PDS only scored
2.4% in the first elections in the reunified Germany in 1990, by 1998, it
increased its votes to 5% and gained 37 seats in the German parliament, the
Bundestag. However, its inability to grow beyond this led to an alliance with
the Electoral Alternative for Labour and Social Justice (WASG). WASG was made
up by a small break away group of left-wing Social Democrats (SPD) and some
trade unionists led by the well-know left-winger from the SPD, Oskar
Lafontaine. Other various left-wing groups like Trotskyists, dissident
communists, libertarians and social democrats have joined with them and the
coalition is now called Die Linke (The Left).The various groups can organize
themselves as tendencies and platforms with in it, although it is still
dominated by the old PDS.
68) Die Linke has gained strength
after the collapse in the popularity of the SPD, which fell from 38% of the
vote in 2005 to 23% in 2009 – following its participation in a four year
coalition with the right-wing CDU/CSU of Angela Merkel. In 2009, Die Linke
achieved a major breakthrough in support, winning 12% of the vote nationally
and 30% of the vote in the regions of the old East Germany – making it the
second biggest opposition party in parliament. Since then, it has also made
some major breakthroughs in regional elections in the west and the growth in
support for Die Linke has meant that the SPD has been forced to go into
governing coalitions with it in various regional states, most famously the
so-called “red-red”alliance governing the capital, Berlin.
69) However, the attraction of
sharing power through coalitions with the SPD in regional parliaments, and the
prospect at some stage of becoming part of a national coalition government is
shifting Die Linke to the right. Formerly, it is committed to democratic
socialism, but, in practice, its programme is based on Keynesian economics and
reforms within the context of capitalism. It lists its main aims as; “For More
Democracy, For a Fair and Socially-caring Society, One Europe for All, Against
War, For high quality education, A social energy policy.” If it shifts further
to the right and joins a national government with the SPD, then left-wing
sections within it would probably break-away.
70) The SPD is still the second
force in German politics, and continues to enjoy major support among workers.
It has historical roots going back to the formation of the German workers'
movement in the 19th century and retains close links to German
unions. The fact that it has begun to also consider a national government
coalition with the PDS and Greens shows that it is under pressure from left-leaning
members, and there is a clear left/right division among those wishing to
continue class collaborationist alliances with the capitalist parties and
others who favour moving to the left. At some point, probably during the next
economic crisis, it can be forced to the left, and left opposition groups will
emerge in its ranks, particularly in it youth wing. Some may remain in the
party to fight and others to break away like WASG.
71) The nature of Die Linke is a
reflection of the fact that independent left formations are part of the history
of the German workers' movement. In the early 1920s a left group broke away
from the SPD and founded the USPD (Independent Social Democratic Party), a
radical, left party moving in the direction revolution. At one point the USPD
had 750,000 members and 18% of the vote, however, splits led to demise and its
re-absorption into the SPD some years later. It was from within the ranks of
the USPD, that a group broke away to form the German Communist Party. In the
1920s, the Communist Party in Germany was one of the few genuinely mass
communist parties outside Russia.
72) Thus, the development of Die
Linke has roots in the political history and culture of Germany. However, it
seems unlikely that Die Linke, as now constituted, could ever imitate the
success of Podemos or SYRIZA. Die Linke's probably can't shake off its close
association with the old Stalinist Party and it also lacks the novelty and
freshness which SYRIZA and Podemos had.
73) Furthermore, the objective
conditions in Germany are less favorable at the moment than in Southern Europe.
Germany is one of the most prosperous countries in the world and weathered the
crisis of 2007-9 better than others, as well as not facing the problems of
budget deficits. Unemployment in Germany is only 4.7%, compared to more than
25% in Southern Europe, although there are great disparities in unemployment
and living standards between the East and West, which is one of the reasons for
Die Linke's continued support in the East.
74) For Die Linke to develop into a
mass force, there would probably need to be a huge crisis in Germany similar to
the 1920s. The history and culture of Germany suggests that there is a
probability that a left grouping such as Die Linke or similar new alliances
will remain part of the political landscape in the future and be a focus for
leftward moving youth and workers.
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| Strike against austerity April 2015 |
75) As in Germany, the Communist
Party (PCF) in France has played a key role in the organization of the Front de
Gauche (FG) meaning Left Front, although the histories of the parties are quite
different. Up until the 1970's, the French CP was the main traditional mass
party of the working class. The heroic role
its members played in the French Resistance to Nazi occupation in the 2nd
World War had a similar effect on its fortunes as the civil wars and
revolutions in Spain and Portugal did for the socialists.
76) Throughout, the post-war
period, the French CP remained the mass party of the workers. Between 1950-1980 its vote averaged 20%, compared
to 15% for the French Socialist (SFIO). Following its betrayal of the 1968
revolution in France, the old Socialist SFIO suffered a “PASOK-style”
disintegration, its vote crashing to a mere 5%. With a name change to simply
Parti Socialiste (PS), reconstituting itself as a new socialist party it slowly
began to recover, and its vote increased considerably after an alliance with
the CP in the 1970s.
77) In the 1980s, the CP entered a
coalition government with the PS under the leadership of Mitterrand. Under Mitterrand, the PS moved sharply to the
left. It introduced heavy tax increases of the rich, nationalized a number of
key companies, increased the minimum wage, introduced a 39-hour work and 5
weeks paid holiday per year, as well as increasing in social benefits, and
strengthen workers' rights. In effect, it implemented many CP policies and
more, and rather than the CP benefiting from this, the PS stole its cloak and
replaced the PS as the most radical party on the left. The PS vote rose to
around 35% in the elections and stayed in power for 12 years from 1981 to 1993.
This established the PS as the main
party of the working class in France and the CP was decimated. From an average
of 20% of the vote it fell to 10% in the late 80s and hit rock bottom in the
early 2000s, only being able to win about 4.5% of the vote.
78) In the current period, the PS
in France didn't initially suffer the same decline as other socialist parties,
principally because it was not in power during the same period from 2007-2012,
and therefore wasn't tainted with carrying out austerity measures and attacks
on the working class. In fact, its votes for parliament rose from 24.7% in 2007
to 29.3% in 2012, and in the Presidential elections of the same year, its
candidate, François Hollande, won with over 50% of the vote. However, this
changed dramatically and his popularity fell as low as 13% in 2015, principally
because of poor economic performance and a rising unemployment rate. But has
begun to recover to 20% as a result of a slight improvement in the
economy.
80) Apart from the CP and PG, the
FG has quite a mix of left groups in its alliance, including left socialists,
alternatives, left Greens, and a former Stalinist, pro-Albanian party! So far
Trotskyist groups like Lutte Ouvrière, which have a certain following in
France, have taken a sectarian attitude towards the Front de Gauche, describing
it as a “small bourgeois party” and standing its own candidates in elections.
It has even participated on PS election lists in some towns rather than
cooperate with other left groups.
81) The FG vote has risen for
similar reasons as in other countries, such as economic problems and
disillusionment with the PS, but it has also been spurred on by alarm at the
rise of the racist, right-wing National Front, much as did the Popular Front in
the 1930s.
82) Support for the FG has risen
from around 6.5% in 2009 to 11% for its Presidential candidate, Jean-Luc
Mélenchon in 2011, who was able to attract rallies of over 100,000 people in
Paris and Marseille. However, its vote fell back to 7% in the parliamentary
elections of 2012. It now has 23 MPs in its Parliamentary Group, called the
Democratic and Republican Left (GDR)
83) The FG has a list of reformist
demands similar to other new left groups in Europe, but unfortunately, like all
of them, it does not associate itself clearly with the aim of achieving
socialism. As an article in the Guardian observed;
“Mélenchon's growing number of
supporters view (his programme) as common sense and salutary: a 100% tax on
earnings over £300,000; full pensions for all from the age of 60; reduction of
work hours; a 20% increase in the minimum wage; and the European Central Bank
should lend to European governments at 1%, as it does for the banks. Here are a
few realistic measures to support impoverished populations. Is this a
revolution? No, it is radical reformism.”
84) France has strong revolutionary
traditions and a culture of radical socialist ideas. The inherent volatility of
French politics means that it could not be ruled out that the FG could
experience a Podemos-like growth in the future, probably during a new economic
recession. But France also has a long history of fluid and changing left-wing
electoral alliances and coalitions. Therefore, the FG could easily break up,
and new realignments on the left could emerge later on. But, the weakness of
the current economic improvement in France, the right-wing character of the PS
and the threat of the National Front means there are plenty of reasons why the
FG or new independent left coalitions will continue to exist in France.
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